Self-employed proletarians in an informal economy: insecurity and exploitation of street vendors in Dhaka city

Self-employed proletarians in an informal economy: insecurity and exploitation of street vendors in Dhaka city

  • Mohammad Shahid Ullah, kn.shahid@gmail.com, +880-1731-802395

Dhaka is a city of rickshaw-pullers and street vendors. In every roads, corners and neighbors any one will see the rickshaw and street vendors, except in the VIP road. The street vendor locally named as Hawker; the no. of Hawker in Dhaka city will be around 0.2 million, and the no. of mobile vendor named as Feriwalla will be same (0.2 million); in total the no. of street vendor is around 0.4 million.

Hawkers are migrated from rural to urban areas for a better living.  They began to work at shops or factories as employee at first, and then became owners of makeshift shops on footpaths by renting the shop from the employer or opening a new shop. In some cases, the nearby landowners leased out the footpaths to hawkers. Some of them are employees of hawker-cum-shop owners. The contract is verbal and informal. For many years urban poor are engaged in this occupation; it is to 35 years. For the long period of living in Dhaka city some of the hawkers have registered themselves as voters and settled permanently in Dhaka. The street vendor of Dhaka city have been facing livelihood insecurity due to eviction drive by the city administration and also being exploited systematically by the extortionist patronized by the police and political parties.

Due to eviction drive by the city corporation in the last couple of months thousands of street vendor lost their livelihoods and some of them have injured physically by the police assault as they are occupying the street illegally; this eviction drive is being carried out on the name of so called clearing the footpath for the pedestrians.

The poor people in Dhaka city depends mostly on street vendor. Everything is available from vendor, vegetable, cloth to food. The poor and mostly the lower middle class in Dhaka purchase gods from Feriwalla / Hawker as it is cheaper (20% to 30%) than markets. The street vendors not only facing the problems of eviction from footpaths; they also face the challenges of eviction of shelter in slum areas despite paying more money the rich city dwellers. The right to city and livelihoods has been being violated structurally and systematically; they are not being treated as citizen of the country.

Street vendor is not only the illegal occupier of footpaths in Dhaka city

Street vendor is not only the illegal occupier of footpaths in Dhaka city; other institutions and agencies also haven occupying the footpath illegally. There are traffic police boxes on sidewalks near intersections; about 350 police boxes have been built in the city for on-duty traffic police to shelter from heat and rain (Daily Star, 2011). The footpaths of Dhaka city are also occupied

by timber store house, political party’s office, and various types of shops including rickshaw maintenance shops, and electronic goods.

The footpath is that it not favorable for pedestrians

Dhaka is significantly under-provided with footpaths or sidewalks; it is less than 20% and in some areas like old Dhaka the footpath is very low due to narrow-street (State of Cities 2016, BIGD, BRAC). According to a study report conducted by BIGD found that 83.1 per cent of transport users The BIGD Survey 2016 found that 83.1 per cent of transport users regularly use sidewalks and about 13.3 per cent sometimes use them.

The problems of not using the footpath is that it not favorable for pedestrians. The cause of not using the footpath is not only the occupying by the vendors, rather it is mostly poor condition of sidewalks, open manhole, dumping of waste materials, storage of construction materials and vehicles parking on footways, and also the presents of  hijakers and  eve-teasers in the sidewalks. The argument of clearing the footpath for the pedestrians in a view to reducing the traffic jam in the road evicting the vendors is not true.

The causes of traffic jam in Dhaka city

The main causes of traffic in Dhaka city are inadequacy of the size of roads which is less than 8%, the more no. of private cars above the capacity of roads, and the absence public transport in Dhaka city. Despite having scope, there is no circular roads / train communications around the city. These problems accentuates with the weak traffic management, less traffic personnel, blocking the roads for the VIPs, and violation of traffic rules by the VIPs. Furthermore, every days 15 / 20 new private car adding in the roads perpetuating the crises of traffic system in the city.

 The problems in city life have been created and perpetuated by the ruling class in a view to maximizing their profit

The root causes of the problems are continuous human concentration in Dhaka city due to migration of rural population pushed from villages for shrinking livelihoods opportunities caused by river erosion, natural and social calamities and also for availing better essential public goods and services in the capital city especially in education and health; which make the city the inhabitants of more than 160 million people. These make the city unbearable not in terms of

roads and communication, also created problems in housing, drinking water, sanitation, and waste management. These problems created favorable conditions for companies and MNCs to extract immediate profit in the sector of essential public services in the neoliberal Dhaka city under the state patronization. These problems have been perpetuated by the ruling class of the country in order to maximize their profit. Without addressing the root causes of the problems, the ruling class has been evicting the poor people from slums and also from street.

Violence and informal politics of exploitation on street vendor and systematic violation of right to city life

The urban vendor in Dhaka city is like immigrants from other countries; have no citizenship rights and entitlement. They have to pay more rents for shops in streets than the luxurious posh Gulshan area.

The inhabitants of Dhaka city is divided among flat dwellers (20% approx.) and slum dwellers (80% approx.) – rich and poor people respectively. The poor street vendors has been living in the slums where space rent is higher; the rent of space and other services are higher in terms of per square feet than the luxurious posh diplomatic areas. Considering the location, a 2 x 2 foot square is rented monthly for Tk.1, 000 to Tk.3, 000; in Gulshan area which is about Tk.273 per square foot. Apart from the space, for electricity, they have to pay per day Tk.25 per light to monthly Tk. 2, 000. In addition, they have to pay Tk.50 to Tk.300 daily to a designated person called the ‘line man’ for permission and managing the gov. authorities; it becomes double during festivals. The total amount of revenue generated from the Hawkers is higher than the annual budget of two city corporations is Dhaka city. According to the popular newspaper report (the Daily Star), this unofficial revenue collection is divided between police (40%), linemen (35%), and local political elements (25%). After eviction this vested group again negotiate with hawkers for regaining the space. Due to large of no. of hawkers in the city and its contribution with urban economy, the permanent eviction is not easy; the vested groups capitalize the governance failure to city corporations and government of the country.

What is to be done?

The hawkers could be rehabilitated by their own money what they are paying on daily basis in a systematic and organized way. They are demanding to allocate them permanent space in the high-rise commercial building in the gov. land; they also have been proposing allocation of 25% of the footpath for the time being. The rent seeker vested group are against the solution of the problem as their party cadre survive on daily extortion from the Hawker. Furthermore, they also can utilize the helpless Hawker community for political purposes, in order to strengthen their position in the party.

Before, the initiative they are demanding proper registration of the hawkers and giving them ID card; stooping all kind of extortion by police, lineman and political party cadres. Under the banner of Bangladesh Hawkers Union the Hawkers are fighting for 10 point charter of demands. These are:

  1. Stop eviction of hawker without rehabilitation;
  2. Recognize hawker by the state;
  3. Stop extortion from hawkers and stop torture of hawkers;
  4. Prepare list of real hawkers;
  5. Allocate government land for hawkers;
  6. Take rents from hawkers what they are providing to vested group and allow them to do business peacefully;
  7. Prepare long-term 5-years plan for hawkers;
  8. Allocate money for hawkers in national budget;
  9. Allocate rationing system for hawkers; and
  10. Restrict private car in the Dhaka city and allow them on odd –even number.

The test and lifestyle are different among the slum dwellers and flat dwellers. The poor     Dhakabashi upholds the culture and values or real Bangladeshi; speak in pure Bangla without using any English word, calculate time and date according to Bengali calendar. They wear lungi and sari. The rich Dhakabasi speak in Bengalish, calculate time and dates according to English calendar and don’t know the Bengali months and they are the agents of cultural imperialism.

The issue of Hawkers is not related only with them, it is related with the livelihoods of poor people in Dhaka city involved with the informal and RMG sector workers of Dhaka city. The informal economy of street vendor supporting in contribution of feeding of the vast majority of people of Dhaka city. The eviction of Hawkers will affect the livelihoods of all working class people of Dhaka city.

GLOBAL SUPPLY CHAIN AND COMPLIANCE AUDIT: A CRITICAL REVIEW OF RMG INDUSTRY IN BANGLADESH

GLOBAL SUPPLY CHAIN AND COMPLIANCE AUDIT: A CRITICAL REVIEW OF RMG INDUSTRY IN BANGLADESH

-Mohammad Shahid Ullah, kn.shahid@gmail.com

 1          Compliance audit and corruption

The main instrument for checking on compliance is an audit. Large buyers’ offices carry out their own audits. Smaller buyers tend to engage a local company for the purpose. In any case, most of the staff who carry out the audits are Bangladeshi. The audit checks on matters like prevalence of child labour have worked well at the factory level, but they have not extended their reach into the relatively small informal sector (ICF International 2012). Other audits deal with whether workers have contracts and are paid overtime, and the observance of some health and safety precautions, such as whether there are first aid boxes and toilets. These are spot-checks that are not usually random. This makes it easy for factories to arrange nominal compliance with these conditions and then withdraw it after the auditors leave.[1]From field interview it has been found that workers are satisfied about the compliance audit conducted by buyers. In FGD workers told that the labor standard in the factory has been improved due to good compliance audit by two buyers; the workers could not mention the names of buyers. According to their statement they are getting the salary of 18 days earn leave due to instruction and pressure by the buyer’s compliance officer. They said,

 “We are grateful to compliance officers of two buyers, they advised to management to provide our 18 days earn leave; otherwise we don’t get it. The compliance officers are like you, discussed with us about working conditions inside the factory and what problems we facing. Our situation has been improved by the inspections of the compliance officer.” [2]

The other statements are that management trains workers in advance about the audit and also check secretly about the preparation workers to face the audit in favor of management. The factory management deceives information about violation of workers’ rights. While interviewing, one newly recruited women worker asked “Are you from our administration? Management sometime sends people secretly to check our preparation about compliance audit.”  

The Fair Wear Foundation (2012) audit manual indicates that an audit typically takes between 1 to 2 days which is a major criticism as they tend to be “too short, superficial and sloppy to actually identify certain types of code violations, such as discrimination.” Predominantly, interviews are held with the managers and senior staff whose work is related to the labor standards. It is evident that much of the focus is on senior staff members who may manipulate the information to social auditors leading to a distorted report. Compliance by factory owners is probably not voluntary but has become a condition of business. However, at the same time, there is little doubt that compliance with labor standards has improved since the early days of the 1980s.[3]

According to Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) report there is corruption in RMG supply chain including its compliance audit (Undress corruption: How to prevent corruption in the RMG sector: Scenarios from Bangladesh, TIB, Jan.2016)

While the Bangladeshi government surely has the main responsibility for ensuring factory buildings conform to norms, any such measure to improve building standards will involve costs. As the ILO notes, ‘In response to a surge in demand for read-made garments from foreign companies, suppliers in Bangladesh have established factories and manufacturing sites without following building and safety codes and the Government of Bangladesh has not provided adequate regulatory oversight and enforcement’.  In the aftermath of the Rana Plaza disaster, a number of international buyers have come forward to put up some money for building improvements.[4]

Social audits are further criticized for their announcement of factory visits before arriving allowing managers to give a false impression of working conditions (Clean Clothes Campaign, 2005) For instance, Clean Clothes Campaign (2005) reported about use of ‘double book keeping’ system to keep two sets of wage records, a falsified one and the actual one. When visits are announced factory management only keep the falsified data for the auditors and hides the actual records. Additionally, suppliers maintain a model factory while sub-contracting the bulk of their work to another factory where working conditions are significantly poorer which helps the factory get a good audit report and secure more international orders (Clean Clothes Campaign, 2005)[5].

There should have sudden inspection of factories from the concerned stakeholders and buyers should have to formulate a “Moral Code of Conduct” for themselves. And the government should issue a specific identification number for each factory to check anomalies.

2          Nexus between business lobby and state: non-compliance of labor laws

There is a nexus between RMG owners and state apparatus as RMG is considered as a leading foreign exchange earner. The two-party system and the power play between the two leading political dynasties favor nepotism and rent-seeking. An indicator for this form of crony capitalism is the fact that in 2013 at least 33 members of parliament – actually 10 percent – were factory owners who blocked parliamentary adoption of stricter regulations for buildings.[6] Additionally, the state agencies that are supposed to regulate garment manufacturing in Bangladesh tend to be influenced and often bribed by the factory owners.[7] Many factories were built with permits from local authorities only and without the permission of the Dhaka building safety agency.

The federations of factory owners, both the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturing and Exporting Association (BGMEA) and the Bangladesh Knitwear Manufacturing and Exporting Association (BKMEA), form powerful lobby groups. Both the federations have strong influence over two major ruling parties. The ex-BGMEA president, Mr. AnisulHaque a leading RMG industry owner, is now the Dhaka city mayor (north) nominated by the ruling Awami League.

Convergence between garment capital and the state can provide an explanation for the absence of regulation for the structures of the buildings and of labor standards. This kind of favoritism seems to be evident in the case of the owner of the collapsed Rana Plaza building, a strongman of the youth wing of the ruling Awami League: he had an approval for five storeys only but built three additional storeys on top without permission. The factories owned by leading figures of the BGMEA had serious structural flaws and violated construction laws. Even the headquarters of the BGMEA was built illegally, but nobody has been prosecuted for this obvious violation of laws.

3 Relevance and authenticity of Business Social Compliance Initiative (BSCI) Audit in Bangladesh

The Business Social Compliance Initiative (BSCI) is a comprehensive European platform by the Foreign Trade Association (FTA). The FTA deals with European and international trade and is based in Brussels. The corporations that are members of the BSCI have pledged themselves to a code of conduct that is meant to monitor and improve the safety and working conditions in production countries worldwide. The initiative invokes standards of the International Labor Organization (ILO) and other important international regulations, like the UN Declaration on Human Rights, as well as national legislation. More than 800 producers are currently members of the BSCI, including most large international textile companies, such as Metro, Migros, Otto, Coop and Kekso.[8]

Bangladesh is the second most important sourcing country for BSCI participants. In 2014, 9.4% of all monitoring activities of BSCI participants were carried out there. BSCI therefore takes an active role to promote good working conditions in this sourcing country through several key activities like social compliance audits, targeted capacity building, stakeholders’ engagement and policy dialogue.[9]

To improve the working conditions in RMG supply chain, BSCI audit has been playing an important role. It has been found that workers recognize the compliance audit as an opportunity and hope for materializing their rights mentioned in the labor law of the country.[10] The certification of safety and working conditions in the textile industry are good for the image of corporations but it is not likely that it help workers to materialize their rights. The authenticity of BSCI audit was under serious question after Rana Plaza collapse which in April 2013 killed more than 1,130 and injured over 2,500 people. The factory named Phantom Apparel Ltd was in this building complex. In June 2012, this factory was audited by TÜV Rheinland upon request of a member of the BSCI. The audit report, dated 16/17/18 June 2012 (audit report number BL-18/12), failed to identify the following violations of the BSCI Code of Conduct:[11]

  • The audit report failed to identify the lack of valid building permits
  • The audit report failed to identify risks to the building structure and wrongly described the building as having “good construction quality”
  • The audit report failed to identify the presence of child labor
  • The audit report failed to identify the lack of proper documentation of workers’ registration
  • The auditors also failed to identify the lack of awareness among workers of their rights and the existence of the BSCI grievance mechanism

As a stand-alone measure, without integration in the management structures and the presence of a trade union, Codes of Conduct and audits are not likely to lead improvements in labor standard.

According to a senior manager of RMG sector, BSCI does not follow its own guidelines. He says, Buyer’s order supply of production to factories with the condition of compliance audit; but don’t take proper responsibility of development and capacity building of the factory. Secondly BSCI authority don’t follow effectively own guideline. According to guideline there should have development initiatives to aware and capacitate the factory management; it does not happens properly. Thirdly, there is practice of illegal transaction or bribe between the compliance manger of factory and the third party audit firm. Sometimes owner of the factory are misguided by the managers as she/he influence management to do audit by her/his selected companies assuring the good report from the selected firms. This is a commission business from both the sides.[12]

There are same observations about the BSCI audit from Clean Cloth Campaign (CCC). According to CCC, “social audits frequently have methodological shortcomings. They tend to be snapshot observations. Announced visits have the additional problem that factory owners can manipulate the appearance of the working conditions. Unfortunately, fake documentation is not an exception either.Further, most audits fail to substantially integrate workers in the assessment and subsequent improvement efforts. According to one critic, factory auditing has become a profit driven industry of its own, which favors quick standardized checklists, instead of thorough inspections.In addition, conflicts of interest are inevitable as auditing companies are interested in keeping their clients in an increasingly competitive market”. [13]

Real verification in addition would require the representation of stakeholders with different interests throughout the whole system.It could be combined with producers towards better with an integral participation of workers, trade unions, government officials, local NGOs and BSCI auditors.

[1]BIDS Nazneen Ahmed &DevNath, Improving wages and working conditions in the Bangladeshi garment sector: the role of horizontal and vertical relations, May 2014, Working Paper 40, BIDS, Dhaka

[2] FGD with workers, 22 April 2016

[3]BIDS Nazneen Ahmed &DevNath, Improving wages and working conditions in the Bangladeshi garment sector: the role of horizontal and vertical relations, May 2014, Working Paper 40, BIDS, Dhaka

[4]BIDS Nazneen Ahmed &DevNath, Improving wages and working conditions in the Bangladeshi garment sector: the role of horizontal and vertical relations, May 2014, Working Paper 40, BIDS, Dhaka

[5]DrKhondaker G Moazzem and Kishore K Basak , Margin and Its Relation with Firm Level Compliance , Illustration on Bangladesh Apparel Value Chain, CPD August 2015

[6]MohdRaisul Islam Khan and Christa Wichterich, Sept. 2015, Safety and Labor Conditions: The accord and the national tripartite plan of action for the garment industry of Bangladesh, Working paper No.38, ILO and GLU

[7]Ahamed, F. (2011): ‘Working Conditions in the Bangladesh Readymade Garments Industry:

Is Social Compliance Making a Difference?’ PhD Thesis, La Trobe University,

Australia.

[8]Q&A on the BSCI Complaint on TÜV Rheinland Audit Report,http://www.ecchr.eu/en/our_work/business-and-human-rights/working-conditions-in-south-asia/bangladesh-tuev-rheinland/q-a-bsci-complaint-on-tuev-rheinla.html

[9]The Business Social Compliance Initiative: Supporting Companies to Improve Working Conditions in Bangladesh, BSCI brochure Bangladesh 2015

[10] Interview with workers on 22 April 2016

[11]Complaint regarding Social Audit Report BSCI 7-01/09 of Phantom Apparel Ltd. ECCHR, FEMNET, CCC, Medico International and Activist Anthropologist Bangladesh 6 July 2015

 

[12] Interview with Sr. Manager, RMG sector on 11 June 2016

[13]Complaint regarding Social Audit Report BSCI 7-01/09 of Phantom Apparel Ltd. ECCHR, FEMNET, CCC, Medico International and Activist Anthropologist Bangladesh 6 July 2015

 

WORKING CONDITIONS IN FISHING TRAWLER IN BANGLADESH

Overview of workers’ in marine fisheries industry in Bangladesh

Bangladesh is one of the resourceful countries with its wide range of marine aquatic bio-diversities. The marine fisheries sector has been recognized as an important part of the economy. In 2012-13, out of 30.62 lac ton fish product from fishery sector, the contribution of marine fisheries was 5.78 lac ton (18%); the no. of fisherman is 5.10 lac.[1] In terms of instrument, the artisanal catch is 93% and industrial trawler is 7.0%.[2]

There is no statistics about the no. of mechanized and non-mechanized boat; according to report of Bangladesh Marine Fisheries Capacity Building Project, 52,514 boats in total including mechanized and non-mechanized are catching marine fish (Table 1).

 

 

Table 1: Estimated No. of Mechanized and Non-Mechanized Boats

Division District No. of Upazila No of Fishing Boats Total
Mechnized Non-Mechnized  
Chittagong Chittagong 5 3660 248 3908
Cox’s Bazar 6 3365 1640 5005
Noakhlai 2 897 390 1287
Feni 1 186 206 392
Laxmipur 2 1925 500 2425
Sub-Total 16 10035 3000 13035
Barisal Barguna 3 2664 1662 4326
Barisal 1 461 2163 2624
Bhola 7 9964 5444 15408
Jhalokhati 1 10 477 487
Patuakhli 4 2850 2685 5535
Pirojpur 3 153 3394 3547
Sub-Total 19 16102 15825 31927
Khulna Khulna 5 711 2357 3068
Bagerhat 5 469 2738 3207
Satkhira 4 444 833 1277
Sub-Total 14 1624 5928 7552
  Total 49 27761 24753 52514

Source: Marine Fisheries Office, Chittagong (Ref.: Bangladesh Marine Fisheries Capacity Building Project in Dec.  2012)

The no. of approved industrial trawlers is 321, of the total 214 trawlers are in operation for deep sea fishing.[3]

In general the mechanized country boat is called as wooden trawler and industrial trawler is called as steel body trawler. Wooden trawler catches hilsha and general fish like loitta and other marine fishes and the industrial trawler catches prawn and white fish. Both the trawlers are marketing marine fish in country and exporting outside the country. The working conditions of wooden trawlers and industrial trawlers are different.

From 2008 to 2013, the amount of catch by industrial trawler became more than double; increased 34279 metric ton to 73030 metric ton. The marine fish catched by the industrial trawlers are being exported to China, Japan, Thailand, Vietnam, USA and UK.

Besides the fisherman or worker, a large number of people, engaged in fish marketing chain as assemblers, processors, traders, intermediaries, transporters and day laborers, including women and children.

In fish processing industry for export, mostly the women workers are employed.

2       Working Conditions in wooden trawler

The wooden trawlers are mostly unregistered and does follow or comply with rules and regulations.

There are two categories of wooden trawlers: one is hilsha trawler and another is Loitta trawler catches loitta and other fish. The working conditions of these two types of trawlers are different based on remuneration and duration of contract. In hilsha trawler the contract is on catch sharing basis for six-months.

In the loitta trawler the contract is seasonal for nine months period, TK.80000 to TK.150,000; child labor are employed in this trawler and the wage is TK. 80000 to 100,000 for nine months period.

In the wooden trawlers, in general, the workers are not unionized. There are some local associations or unions of hisha trawler at district level. The workers of industrial trawler are highly unionized.

In both the cases one Mahazan (Team Leader) represents the owner; he is the intermediary between owner and fisherman. Usually the owner of the boat retains about 50-60% of the catch after deducting all the expenses and the fisherman keeps the rest. They divide the fish according to no. of fisherman; mahajan and driver have one and half share.

In case of share basis in hilsha trawler, the mahajan and fisherman identified the following problem.[4]

  1. There is problems in calculation of cost and expenses; owners sometime charges more;
  2. Sometime, the owner don’t want to present accurate calculation; they conceal the relevant documents, papers locally called chotha (voucher in details);
  • The mahajan informed that sometime fisherman leave the boat after taking advance;
  1. Problem of low catch;
  2. Due to climate change, the weather changes abruptly; causes low trip in the sea and the fisherman are in burden of loan from mhajan or owner.

It has been observed that the conditions of contract fisherman are worse. They identified the following problems[5]:

  1. They have to work despite having physical sickness due to taking advance from owner, they feel like bonded labor;
  2. Have to work 24 hours when the trawler is in sea. little scope for sleeping, only 2/3 hours can sleep
  • They have to face physical assault;
  1. Sometime the worker leave the trawler due to hard work, the owner assault the family members and capture the house and property of worker
  2. The owner doubts the fisherman as a collaborator after the attack of coastal pirates; it’s painful for them as they have to face the risk and doubt
  3. In case of serious sickness of fisherman in sea, the trawler does not return. If someone die, the death body will be preserved by ice like fish;
  • They have no organization or union to raise their voice.

There are some common problems identified by the both types of fisherman are:

  1. Dadan: Credit obtain from the informal market by the fisher-folk is usually known as dadan. Dadan is a sort of transaction built upon an uneven lending contract (often verbal), before the production took place, in favor of the lender-purchaser, o handing over the produce to the lender at lower price than the normal market price or against a fixed percentage of commission to be given to the lender. The assets less fisher-folk  have no access to formal or institutional financial sources.
  2. Piracy: Piracy (jaladossu) in the sea affects the fisherman in various ways. It causes loss of lives, limbs and resources. Physical assault causing injury and sometime even death. It increases indebtedness and gradual rise of poverty level among the fisher-folk. The occurrence is acute during hilsha catching season and occurs mainly at night when patrolling by the coast guard is less. Sundarban is reputed to be the shelter of the pirates. Generally fishing gears mainly nets, catches and cash money is frequently snatched away. Sometime they kidnap fisherman for ransom.  The pirates are organized gang patronized by local syndicate from behind.

In some areas pirates take extortion season based from fisherman; In Barguna district, the fisherman are collecting token and safety card named jaldossu card paying extortion to pirates.[6]

Fear of piracy hampers fishing by fewer trips for fish catch during high monsoon resulted in less catch, less income and trapped in the vicious cycle of debt and poverty.

  • Inadequate radio signal: There is lack of radio frequency and mobile network in deep sea and they don’t get disaster forecast in time. Sometime trawler can’t return from sea after the announcement of bad weather or signal; have to face the death risk;
  1. Low catch: Low catch is another major problem identified especially by the hilsha trawler fisherman in recent years causing indebtedness. The climate change causing sudden bad weather in the sea and less trips contributes low catch of fish in the sea.

 3          WORKING CONDITIONS IN INDUSTRIAL TRAWLER

 No appointment card, insecurity in job

It has been found that the workers of industrial trawlers have no appointment card and service book; there is no written agreement between the workers and company. In the joining time, there is application which contains the date and other information is the main document to companies for workers information. There is dissimilarity within the company and among the companies on wage of same position holder. The workers said: we can’t prove that I am a worker of this trawler; company can sack the job any time.

Low salary than the government gazette, salary is due

The workers informed that they are getting low amount of salary than the government declared gazette; company is not paying according to government scale. There is no yearly increment in the job. The salary is low in comparison with the cost living, food and other essentials. According to them a sailor is getting TK. 3000 per-month, which should be at least TK. 4000. It has been observed that they have clear information about the declared government scale; they think that they are getting less.

The workers informed that their salary is due for 2/3 months; it’s difficult to sustain if there is salary is unpaid. The trawler is not in operation and is sitting now idle, company can’t pay the salary of workers.

 No sailing permit for all levels of workers

It has been found that in industrial fishing trawler there remains only for two persons sailing permit, for captain and engineer. There is no document if someone lost in the sea. They demand the permission for all workers going to deep sea.

24 hours duty when trawler in the sea

The workers informed that they have to work 24 hours when they are in sea; little scope for sleeping. It causes sometime fever, diarrhea, cough and jaundice.

Risk of accident in the sea  

There is always risk of accident in the sea. There is no arrangement for rescue if accident occurs or someone sinks or lost in the sea.  Life is completely on risk when we are in sea, we are just floating in the sea like leafs; have no security of life, said the workers. Besides, the compensation of accident is also low. It has been found that one worker lost his leg due to accident; he got TK 100,000 (one lac) from company, what he will survive by this amount of money?

Physical hazards 

When the trawler remains in sea, the workers can’t take bath regularly; within 10/12 days they can get chance to take a bath. Usually they remain in sea 20 to 25 days in a trip.  It’s worse than jail, said a sailor. In the time high rolling of trawler in the sea, the newly recruited sailors starts vomiting, sometime also vomiting blood. Sometime they vomit in the dining table. There is no supply of medicine; if company provides, the captain only uses it.

4          ORGANIZING AND MOBILIZING THE WORKERS OF INDUSTRIAL TRAWLER

It has been found that there is huge difference of salary and benefit between the captain, engineers and workers like sailor, greaser and bossman. They exploit us as they get commission from profit; they make lower the salary and benefit of workers in order to increase his benefit. According to them captain is depriving us taking his own benefit; captain don’t inform to the owner about the problems of workers, takes good medicine only for his own consumption.

The captain and engineers has their own association. The workers including bossman, greaser, sailors are united under Samudrik Matsha Sikary Jahaj Sramik Union (Regi. Cht. 1179). They have 13 points demands;

  1. Issuing appointment card, identity card and service book to all workers of industrial fishing trawler;
  2. Increase of salary consistent with the price hike of essential goods;
  • Increase of housing allowance, 60% of basic;
  1. Increase of food allowance TK. 4000;
  2. Increase of bonus per ton catch of fish;
  3. Increase of risk allowance TK 300 per day, TK. 500 laundry/washing allowance, and 1500 medical allowance;
  • Group insurance for all workers
  • Compensation for death TK 500,000, full medicare support for accident and for any disease with full salary
  1. Initiate provident fund for workers;
  2. Leave and holidays according to labor law;
  3. In case of willingly retirement of workers having completed one year, providing all payment according to labor law;
  • Supplying 2 sets uniform and one set winter dress per year for all workers;
  • Including the name of all workers in invoice list , and sending one copy to union office by the companies cost.

 

5        The way forward

  • It has been observed that the union is highly strong; about 90% of workers are unionized. The newly recruited workers and low grade workers (sailors) are less unionized. They have less idea about the rights and benefits of unionization. It has also been found that the bossman are plying key role in the union; the structure of union is mostly bossman dependent. Strategically its fine; as sailors who are majority in the trawler are dependent on bossman in their job in terms of hierarchy and other facilities. But it hampers the strength of the organization, creates scope for patron-client relationship. Union can take initiatives to raise critical awareness of sailors and also to have positions in union according to ratio of no.s of workers in different position or have representatives from all levels of workers.
  • The artisanal fishermen are highly interested to be united under the union. There are some area based or district based unions or associations of fisherman. Considering the organizing strength, union can consider to organize and mobilize them. If not possible to unionize them, at least can extend solidarity with their existing actions program.

[1] Annual Report 2013, Marine Fisheries Department

[2] Annual Report 2013, Marine Fisheries Department

[3] Annual Report 2013, Marine Fisheries Department

[4] Information generated from FGD and interview

[5] Information generated from FGD and interview

[6]http://arthonitiprotidin.com/2014/09/21/%E0%A6%A6%E0%A6%95%E0%A7%8D%E0%A6%B7%E0%A6%BF%E0%A6%A3- %E0%A6%89%E0%A6%AA%E0%A6%95%E0%A7%82%E0%A6%B2%E0%A7%87-%E0%A7%A8%E0%A7%A6%E0%A6%9F%E0%A6%BF-%E0%A6%9C%E0%A6%B2%E0%A6%A6%E0%A6%B8%E0%A7%8D/

 

PEASANT AND LAND QUESTION IN BANGLADESH

 

PEASANT AND LAND QUESTION IN BANGLADESH

Debate about land reform

The land reform is a marginal issue in the policy agendas of Bangladesh government. There is debate among academia and policy makers whether distributive land reform is feasible in Bangladesh or not. Nearly 55% of the households are now functionally landless, a small fraction of land is controlled by households in holdings of over three hecters and the average size of holdings has declined to 0.6 hectare. How much land we can get with a ceiling on ownership at a reasonable level for distribution to 10 million rural households who own little or no land? Rather computerization of land records for ownership security is more important to reduce incidence of litigation around land disputes; land management is more important and viable than land reform.[1] The government of Bangladesh is aligned with this position.

 

There is inconsistency with this position. Is there any assurance of improving livelihoods of landless agriculture laborers if recording system will be computerized and increased the tenancy market? Does it discard the justification of distributive land reform in Bangladesh? The rich and powerful are getting settlement of khas[2] land in the char area of Noakhali. The role of state machinery and power structure is more important than so called invisible market power; it is evident from the case of Char in Noakhali.[3]  A significant part of the khas land is not within the custody of the government due to illegal occupation and encroachments. Besides, there is ceiling surplus land under the control/ownership powerful sections. According to a statement in Parliament by the Minister for Land on 4 February, 2010, a total of 1.3 million acres of public land has been grabbed[4].

Further, a significant portion of the 3.3 million acres of khas land is not within the control of the government due to illegal occupation and encroachments[5]. The Land grabbing culture has increased due to the non-transparent land administration system[6]. The land grabbing is acute in the charland, where most of the landless agriculture workers are living. According to the findings of a study conducted by ALRD found that 93% of charland are in the possession of landgrabbers.

“The amount of charland is approximately 1723 square k.m. which constitute 1.2% of the country’s total land. Charland is primarily khasland. Only 7% of charland are in possession of 77% of the population and 23% of population who are primarily land grabbers, are in possession of 93% of charland. This signifies extreme disparity in the ownership of charland, which causes, amount others, extreme poverty among most people in the chars.”[7]

 The other alarming issues are declining crop-land and conversion of khas land for public purposes and commercial use. It is reported that cultivated land has been declining by almost one percent per year due to its demand for increased habitation, industrial and commercial establishment, transport infrastructure, river erosion, and intrusion of saline water in the coastal areas.[8]

Internationally, Bangladesh is considered as an economically viable investment destination, attracting FDIs and remittances. Foreign investments are often in collaboration with the government as well as the private sector[9]. Steady economic growth over the past few years has likewise posed its own challenges on land rights in Bangladesh. Agricultural land is being diminished due to conversion into export processing zones, residential developments, infrastructure development and other government projects. Much of the converted land is khas land, which the government ought to be distributing to landless persons.[10]

DISTRIBUTING STATE OWNED LAND TO THE LANDLESS AGRICULTURE WORKERS 

Ownership of land in Bangladesh is vested in either private individuals or entities of the State. Khas land is government owned land, which applies to agricultural, non-agricultural and water bodies. There is no update data about the amount of khas land in Bangladesh. The estimates of khas land are open to contestation since land records are poor and open to legal challenge[11].

 According to report (2005) of parliamentary standing commiee on land there is 50, 00,000 (50 lac) acre khas land in the country; a major portion of landless family can get settlement of this land.[12]

The estimated amount of total identified (based on official sources) khas land in Bangladesh is 3.3 million acres with 0.8 million acres of agricultural khas land, 1.7 million acres of non-agricultural khas land, and 0.8 million acres of khas water bodies[13]. Of immediate relevance to agrarian reform, 0.8 million acres of agricultural land (4% of the total agricultural land) and 0.8 million acres of water bodies, an important economic resource, can be put at the service of the resource poor.[14]

In a campaign brief, Land Watch Asia states that Khas land and khas water bodies cover some 2.1 million hectares, 24% of which are agricultural. Agricultural khas land covers some 321,323 ha, of which 43.47% has reportedly been distributed to landless households[15]. 

Policy to Distribute Agricultural Khas Land

The East Bengal State Acquisition and Tenancy Act 1950, which abolished the Zamindari System (Permanent Settlement of 1793) provided the basis for all subsequent laws relating to khas land[16]. Attempts at re-distributive reform through the establishment of land ceilings have been a feature of both the Pakistan and Bangladesh periods. However, whilst ostensibly designed to place land in the hands of the tiller and to return water bodies to those who fish them, these have largely been circumvented by the wealthy and powerful[17].

After independence, the instruments of khas land distribution became the Bangladesh State Acquisition and Tenancy (Fourth Amendment) Order 1972, the Bangladesh Landholding Limitation Order 1972, President’s Order LXI 1975 and the 1984 Land Reform Ordinance. The most important Government notifications relating to the settlement of khas land are the Land Reform Action Program 1987 and the Agricultural Khas Land and Settlement Policy 1997.

To assist the process of Khas land identification and its equitable distribution, government policies and the regulatory framework – especially the 1984 Land Reform Ordinance and the khas land management and distribution policies of 1987 and 1997 – provided concrete directions towards establishing national and local level committees for overseeing khas land identification and distribution, identification of landless persons and a prioritization process as well as a procedure for raising public support for securing access to khas land[18]. One enabling law was the policy instituted in 1997 to distribute khas land to landless peasants, defined as landless families dependent on agriculture for their livelihood. This also prioritized certain groups, such as families of freedom fighters, families that had lost their land to erosion, and families whose lands were expropriated by the government[19].

 

Ownership Ceiling of Agricultural Land

The ownership ceiling of agricultural land per family had been changed many times: from 33.3 acres (100 bighas) in 1950, 125 acres (375 bighas) in 1961, then again 33.3 acres (100bighas) in 1972 and 20 acres (60 bighsa) in 1984[20].

However, a significant quantity of land could not be recovered because local and national land administration and wider legal and political bodies were often tightly under the grip of the landowning classes. Ironically only an insignificant portion of cultivable land (under 1%) could be redistributed through these ownership ceilings. The land ceilings should be further lowered considering the increase of population, the scarcity of land and the need for distributive justice. If the land ceiling is lowered to 30-35 bighas[21] for each family and if there is strong political and administrative will on the part of the Government, the ceiling surplus land can be distributed amongst the landless and poor displaced people[22].

Table 13: Land Policy and Administrative Timeline in Bangladesh[23]

1972 A land ceiling of 33.3 acres is re-established and various presidential orders provide for the distribution of khas land amongst the landless. Expected that 2.5 million acres of excess land will be released, but in reality there is far less. Newly formed land vested in government, becoming a second type of khas land. Exemption from land tax granted for families owning less than 8.33 acres.
1976 A variety of land related charges are consolidated into the Land Development Tax (LDT), which covers the whole country except the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), but deficiencies in the record system mean individual holdings cannot be checked and switches to more heavily taxed non-agricultural uses frequently go unrecorded.
1984 The Land Reform Ordinance limits future land acquisitions to 21 acres whilst retaining present ceilings. Benami (transferring to others for ceiling avoiding) transfers to relations are outlawed, but again evasion is easy. Legal recognition of the rights of share-croppers is given for the first time and share-cropping is established as the only admissible form of tenancy contract.

 

Late 1980s Only 0.2% of value added in agriculture collected as LDT revenue, of which collection cost is two-thirds.

 

Late 1980s The Muyeed Committee recommends that the functions of land registration (Sub-Registrar) and records (tehsil) be brought together in a single office at the field level, but this is ignored.

 

1988 Cluster village programme resettle landless people on State land, but

only 800 villages, with some 32,000 households, have been formed by 1996.

1989 The Board of Land Administration is split into the Land Appeals Board and the Land Reforms Board to deal with the ever-increasing volume of quasi-judicial appeals.
1991 A survey shows that 90% of the rural population is unaware of the 1984 reforms.

 

1991 A land administration manual lays down detailed instructions regarding the inspection and supervision of Union and Thana land offices.

 

1992 Farms of up to 8.33 acres are exempted from LDT. 8.33 – 10 acres are charged at BDT 0.5 per acre, and larger holdings at BDT 2 per acre.

 

1997 New Agricultural Khas Land Management and Settlement Policy introduced.

 

1998 The total khas land is found to be 750,000 acres (or 3% of the arable land area). But the actual amount remains unclear as a result of de facto private control arising from informal local settlements.
2015-20 Estimated date for the completion of a survey of land rights.

Process of Accessing Khas Land

According to AKLMSP’97, for the purpose of the settlement of Khas land the landless family will be considered as[24]:

“The family which has neither homestead nor agricultural land, but family as dependent on agriculture”

All applications received within the fixed time limit were suggested to be scrutinized and all eligible applications are arranged in order to priority as follows[25]:

  1. Destitute freedom fighter’s family
  2. Victim of river erosion (lost total land due to river ersion
  3. Widowed or divorced woman with workable son
  4. Family without a homestead and agriculture land
  5. Became landless due to government acquisition of land
  6. The family which has 10 decimal homestead, but not agricultural land yet dependent on agriculture

According to the Agricultural Khas Land and Management Policies-AKLMSP 97, the highest priority is said to be given to the destitute freedom fighter’s family (It was on the second priority in the Land Reforms Action Program-LRAP’87. The highest amount of Khas land to be given will be 1.5 acres.

 The transfer of khas land from the Government to an individual is a complex, lengthy and non-transparent process. According to relevant provisions, 5 months is needed to complete the process[26]. Currently an application passes through several Government offices including the Union and Thana level land offices along with the Sub-Registrar’s office and usually takes up to 6 to 8 months. A lack of coordination (and motivation) between these offices and their staff create delays[27].

 PROMOTING TENANCY REFORM 

Available evidence suggest that The large and middle farmers are increasingly leaving farm in favor of non-farm activities in rural and urban areas and getting the land cultivated by agricultural laborers and marginal landowners with unviable tiny holdings. The rapid migration to urban areas and oversees and an inactive land market lead to increasing concentration of land in the hand of the absentee landowners.[28] The land is rented out mostly by the bigger farmers who account for 43 percent of the land in the tenancy market (Hossain and Bayes 2008).

 

The dominant tenurial arrangement in Bangladesh is sharecropping, where the produce is shared between the cultivator and the landowner in different proportions that have been agreed upon prior to cultivation.  At the national level about 37 percent of farmers cultivate only their own land. About 40 percent of the farmers are sharecroppers; this group of sharecroppers includes those who do not own any cultivable land (that is, pure tenant), as well as those who own land and sharecrop other people’s land. About 13 percent of the farmers in overall rural Bangladesh have cash-lease arrangements, either as pure tenants or as those with their own land plus cash-leased land. The proportion of farmers with mixed-tenancy arrangements (operating sharecropped plus cash-leased land, either as pure tenants or landowners) is 10 percent at the national level.[29] Sharecropping arrangement ensure little or no supervision over the land so that both management and risk are assumed by the tenant. The tenant, thus, has little interest in making long term investment in the land. In terms of both efficiency and justice, at least it needs to ensure that those who rent in land are given to right to own the land they actually cultivate.[30]

Establishing rights of sharecroppers

Evidence indicates that absentee land ownership has been growing. More and more people are getting access to land through the tenancy market, as medium and large land owners leave farming. Consequently, larger no. of holdings and area of land is sharecropped by tenant farmers. It has been found that operated land and no. of farm holdings of tenant have increased 41.49% to 45.25% and 37.42% to 43.3% respectively over the period of 1983 to 2006. This is due to increasing no. of absentee land owners in rural areas.[31]  In the field visit, it has been found that the sharecroppers are increasing; the land is rented out by large and medium landowners. In general it is above the 50%; lowest in Rangpur region (50%) comparing other areas. In Chittagong region, the mode of cash leasing is highest. According to land owners, agriculture is not profitable by the wage labor; they are cultivating limited portion of land for yearly family consumption.

Most share cropper are small holders do not generate a marketable surplus and are generally net-byres of food grains. Where the crop is sold after harvest by small holders, it is sold at sub-market prices. Later in the year the same farmer bye food in the market at above market prices so that the market serves to further impoverish the tenant farmers. By providing tenurial rights to the sharecropper, the problems of providing government assistance will be eliminated.

Did the government procurement price cover the cost of production of pure tenants who must pay rent for the land they cultivate (either in cash or in terms of crop share)? According to BIH survey 2010-11, when the imputed values of land rent and family labor are considered in the cost calculations, only HYV boro cultivation registers a small profit margin (about 6 percent of full cost). Local and HYV aman farmers appear to incur considerable loss when the profitability is calculated on a full-cost basis. According to landless laborers, they are trapped in sharecropping; if they calculate the cost of family labor it is net loss. The sharecroppers are helpless, have no way out. They are doing it only to ensure food security of few months.

 Land Reform Ordinance 1984 and Rights of Sharecroppers

In the Land Reform Ordinance 1984, legal recognition of the rights of share-croppers is given for the first time and share-cropping is established as the only admissible form of tenancy contract; but the ordinance has not been implemented.

Recognizing the rights of sharecroppers, the ordinance mentioned the issues:

  • Limitation on acquisition of agricultural land as 60 bigha;
  • No benami transaction;
  • No eviction, etc, from homestead;
  • Settlement of khas land for homestead;
  • Cultivation under barga contract
  • Recognition of existing bargadars
  • Cultivation of barga land after bargadar’s death;
  • Termination of barga contract;
  • Division of produce of barga land;
  • Bargadar’s right to purchase;
  • Ceiling of barga land; and
  • Restriction of cultivation

In the section 8 and 9 of the ordinance, it recognized the rights of sharecropper as:

“Subject to the other provisions of this Ordinance, no person shall allow another person to cultivate his land and no person shall cultivate the land of another person on condition of sharing the produce of such land between them unless they execute a contract for such cultivation in such form and manner as may be prescribed.”

 “A barga contract shall be valid for a period of five years commencing from such date as may be specified in the barga contract.” 

Any person cultivating the land of another person as a bargadar immediately before the commencement of this Ordinance shall be deemed to be a bargadar in respect of such land under this Ordinance. 

The owner and the bargadar of any land referred to in sub-section (1) shall execute a contract as required under section 8 within ninety days from the date of commencement of this Ordinance.

About the Division of produce of barga land, it mentioned clearly (section 12)

The produce of any barga land shall be divided in the following manner, namely:-
(a) one-third shall be received by the owner for the land;
(b) one third shall be received by bargadar for the labour;
(c) one-third shall be received by the owner or the bargadar or by both in proportion to the cost of cultivation, other than the cost of labour, borne by them.

Major demands for land reform

For land reform, the agriculture workers organizations have the following major demands[32]:

  • Stop transformation of agricultural land for other uses; the national land use policy needs to be finalized upholding the rights of agriculture laborers. First and foremost, in zoning of land, National Agricultural Policy should be followed. Land in the rural area under agriculture should not be used for any other purpose;
  • Government should establish a land commission to identify the accurate amount of khas land;
  • Land policy towards chars should give high priority that all accreted new chars are undertaken by the government and protected from illegal occupation of land grabbers;
  • All char lands that are still under occupation of land grabbers should be recovered immediately and distributed among landless households;
  • The committee for the identification of khas land should be reorganized. The representatives of peasants’ organization, khetmajur (agricultural labor), political parties, NGOs, school teachers should be included in the committees at all levels.
  • The land reform policy should be on the basis of land for the tenants; policy should permit immediate distribution of khas land among the genuine landless.
  • Eviction of slum dwellers and the rural landless from khas land should be stopped and they should be fast rehabilitated as promised.
  • List of grabbers of khas land and khas waterbodies should be regularly updated and published; Occupation and filling of khas land, water body, jalmahal in the name of real estate business or housing should be strictly prohibited.
  • Provisions should be made permitting regular publishing of information pertaining to the problems of identification of khas land in the daily Bangla Newspapers, TV, Radio and the same should be disseminated up to the grassroots level.
  • All khas land distributed should be recovered from the illegal occupants, as soon as possible.
  • Measures should be taken to minimize the influence of the local influentials and officials in the committee who exercise corrupt practice.
  • Reduce the amount of ceiling of land up to 35 bighas;
  • Khas waterbodies should be distributed based on principle “waterbody to the fishermen”: Land use policy should assign high priority in identification and regular updating of information about khas water-bodies by geographical areas;
  • Implementation of rights of sharecroppers and land reform ordinance 1984.

[1] Mahbub Hossain and Abdul Bayes, 2009, “Progress in Rural Economy in Bangladesh: Insight from Repeat Sample Surveys” in Development Experience and Emerging Challenges edited by Quazi Shahabuddin & Rushidan Islam Rahman, BIDS & UPL, Dhaka

[2] Khas land is a large category of land that includes surplus land above the land ceiling law; land owned historically by the state throughout the colonial period and under Pakistani rule; alluvial land; land without an owner; surplus or unused land; land acquired for the public interest; or auctioned land that has been distributed to landless families for 99 year use rights. The Ministry of Land is responsible for allocating khas land to the landless; however, corruption and bad motives have limited land allocations to the poor or landless.

[3] Swapan Adnan, 2008.”Peasant Question and Khas Land Movement in Bangladesh” (in Bengali), Natun Diganta, 6 (4), Samaj Rupantar Adyan Kendra, Dhaka

[4] Bangladesh: Food Security and Land Governance Factsheet; 2012, IS Academia, The Royal Tropical Institute, Netherlands

[5] Saha, B.K., 2010, Promoting Agrarian Reform in Rehman Sobhan (ed.) Challenging the Injustice of Poverty: Agendas for Inclusive Development in South Asia, Sage, Delhi

[6] Bangladesh: Food Security and Land Governance Factsheet; 2012, IS Academia, The Royal Tropical Institute, Netherlands

[7] Abul Barkat, Rowshan Ara, M. Taheruddin, Saiful Hoque, Nazrul Islam, 2007. Towards a Feasible Land Use Policy of Bangladesh, HDRC & ALRD, Dhaka

[8] 6th Five Year Plan, FY2011‐FY2015, GED, Planning Commission, Government of Bangladesh, 2011

[9] Siddiqui, S. & Ahmed, S. N.,  Dui Bigha Jomi, vol.3, Issue 6, June 2009, Forum, A  Monthly Publication of Daily Star, Dhaka.  http://www.thedailystar.net/forum/2009/june/bigha.htm

[10] Land Watch Asia, Campaign Update, 2011. Bangladesh: The Fight for Land Rights Moves Forward, ALRD & SEHD, Dhaka

[11] Saha, B.K., 2010, Promoting Agrarian Reform in Rehman Sobhan (ed.) Challenging the Injustice of Poverty: Agendas for Inclusive Development in South Asia, Sage, Delhi

[12] Akash

[13] Barkat, A. , Zaman, S. & Raihan, S., 2001. Political Economy of Khas Land in Bangladesh, Association for Land Reform and Development, Dhaka

[14] Saha, B.K., 2010, Promoting Agrarian Reform in Rehman Sobhan (ed.) Challenging the Injustice of Poverty: Agendas for Inclusive Development in South Asia, Sage, Delhi

[15] Bangladesh: The Fight for Land Rights Moves Forward, Land Watch Asia, Campaign Update 2011, ALRD & SHED, Dhaka

[16] Barkat, A. , Zaman, S. & Raihan, S., 2001. Political Economy of Khas Land in Bangladesh, Association for Land Reform and Development, Dhaka

[17] Land Policy and Administration in Bangladesh: A Literature Review; 2003, CARE Rural Livelihood Program

[18] Islam, Shahidul, 2011. Access to khas land: Alleviating poverty, http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=203802

[19]  Bangladesh: The Fight for Land Rights Moves Forward, Land Watch Asia, Campaign Update 2011, ALRD & SHED, Dhaka

 

[20] Barkat, A., & Zaman, S., 2002. Khas Land in Bangladesh: The Nature of Adverse Inclusion of the Excluded and Doables , Land, Vol. 9, ALRD, Dhaka

[21] 1 Acre=3 Bigha

[22] Land Rights and Poverty Alleviation, 2005. Bangladesh Legal Aid & Services Trust (BLAST), Dhaka

[23] Land Policy and Administration in Bangladesh: A Literature Review; 2003, CARE Rural Livelihood Program  

[24] Rahman, M. Balizur & Ali Shamser, 2009. Jami-Jalar Bidhi Bidhan, ActionAid Bangladesh

[25] Rahman, M. Balizur & Ali Shamser, 2009. Jami-Jalar Bidhi Bidhan, ActionAid Bangladesh

[26] Rahman, M. Balizur & Ali Shamser, 2009. Jami-Jalar Bidhi Bidhan, ActionAid Bangladesh

[27] Khasland for the Poorest – Simplify the Process, October 2011, Shiree Policy Brief, Dhaka

 

[28] 6th Five Year Plan FY2011‐FY2015, GED, Planning Commission, Government of Bangladesh, 2011

[29] Akhter U. Ahmed, April 2013. The Status of Food Security in the Feed the Future Zone and Other Regions of Bangladesh: Results from the 2011–2012 Bangladesh Integrated Household Survey, IFRI, Dhaka

[30] Saha, B.K., 2010, Promoting Agrarian Reform in Rehman Sobhan (ed.) Challenging the Injustice of Poverty: Agendas for Inclusive Development in South Asia, Sage, Delhi

[31] BBS 2008

[32] Based on the interview with organizers and leaders of landless and agriculture workers organizations

Agriculture laborers of Bangladesh: Entrapped in unviable production relations

NO. OF AGRICULTURE LABORERS IN BANGLADESH

About 35% rural households are agricultural laborers: According to Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh 2011, it has been found that about 35% rural households are agricultural laborers; in the urban area it has been found 3.4%. About one-third household at the national level is agriculture households (Table 1).

 Table 1: No. and Percentage of Agricultural Labor Households in terms of all holdings

Character Rural Urban National
All Holdings 25351506

(100.0%)

3344257

(100.0%)

28695763

(100.0%)

Agricultural Labor Households 8732259

(34.4%)

112143

(3.4%)

8844402

(31.0%)

Source: 2011 Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh

 

The main source of income of 26% rural household is day labor in agriculture: According to Labor Force Survey 2010, the main source of income of 26% rural household is day labor in agriculture and 14% in non-agriculture. 31% of rural household is self-employment in agriculture. Considering the main and secondary sources of income, the majority of the rural households depends on agriculture labor (Figure 1).

 

 

Figure 1: HH main source of income in rural Bangladesh

 

Source: Report on Labour Force Survey 2010, Aug.2011, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Gov. of Bangladesh

 

Half of the population of Bangladesh is rural workers including their family members

According to the estimation of Bangladesh Agriculture Workers Association (Bangladesh Khetmajur Samity), half of the population of Bangladesh is rural workers including their family members and their no. is more than seven crore[1].  According to the estimation of the organization, the 70% of total population (about 16 crores) is living in rural areas and it is about 11 crore 20 Lac. The agriculture workers comprised from the household of landless and marginal farmers and half of the rural households are landless, which is 35% of total population and it is half of 11 crores 20 Lac people i.e. 5 crores 67 lac 50 thousand landless people. But all landless people in rural area are not poor, 67 lac 50 thousand people could be deducted from the landless people, then the 5 crore landless people could be agriculture worker. And the rest 50% of landowners of total rural people (5 crores 67 lac people ), the small amount of land owners, who can’t survive on their land, the sharecroppers and leaseholders also work as day laborer both in agriculture and non-agriculture sector  and their no. could be half of them, i.e. 2 crores 83 lac. Adding this 2 crores 83 lac with 5 crore landless agriculture workers we get the total no. of agriculture workers/rural workers including their family members, which is 7 crore 83.

 

 

CHARACTERISTICS OF AGRICULTURE LABORERS IN BANGLADESH  

Agricultural laborers are deprived and neglected section in the rural power structure; they are excluded from labor right, education, health, and basic social services. They are trapped in unequal social relation that there is no or very limited opportunity for upward social and economic mobility. The agricultural laborers are both extreme and chronic poor. They are comprised from landless, functional landless, sharecropper and marginal farmers and constitute the majority of the rural population.

 

One of the specific characteristics of the agricultural sector is the lack of clear-cut distinctions between different categories of workers, farmers, tenant, and sharecroppers. Besides, there is a wide range of landownership patterns and methods of cultivation related with livelihoods of agriculture workers. Consequently, there are numerous types of labor relations and different forms of labor force participation are in practice in agriculture. A single farmer may be grouped in more than one category and many smallholders supplement their subsistence farming income with wages earned by working on medium and large farms holdings during harvesting periods.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 2: Waged and non-waged workers in agriculture sector

Non Waged Waged
Landless Tenants- Sharecropper & leaseholder Attached worker with farm households
Owner cum-sharecropper Landless daily worker
Small farmer Piece rate contract worker
Marginal farmer Migrant worker
Unpaid family workers Seasonal worker (fisherman/traditional occupation)
Medium farmer Agriculture worker from adivasi community/ethnic minority
large farmers Specialized worker for specific tasks on farms like tractor drivers

 

The landless, functionally landless and sharecropper constitute the majority of the agricultural laborers. The majority of these agriculture laborers are landless; they diversify their occupation by resorting to non-agricultural activities as laborers, rickshaw-pullers, van-pullers small businessman, craftsman etc as a survival strategy. The colored part of the Table-1 comprises the agriculture laborers in rural Bangladesh and constitutes the production relations in agriculture.

From the findings of BIDS survey, it has been found that that sharecropper, agricultural laborers and non-agricultural laborers belong to separate occupation groups, but their activities are supplementary to one another so much so that they diversify their occupations along these lines of activities. Thus, this type of occupational diversification of agricultural laborers and sharecroppers not only increases their income and employment but also acts as the poverty reducing mechanism as well as crisis coping strategy (or survival strategy) of rural livelihood. According to findings of the survey, the majority (51.9%) of the agriculture laborers secondary occupation is non-agriculture labor; in the absence of agricultural equipment, it is obvious for the agricultural laborers not to resort to the occupation of sharecropping and thus, they mostly resort to the activities of non-agricultural laborers as secondary occupation. The majority (66.7%) of the non-agriculture labors secondary occupation is agriculture labor and most of the sharecropper’s secondary occupation is agriculture labor. The major secondary occupation of farmers and fishermen’s is agriculture labor[2]. The agriculture sector is the main source of income for rural laborers as a primary or secondary occupation; they are from agriculture labor and non-agriculture labor, sharecropper, small and marginal farmers, fisher-folk and Adivasi (ethnic) community.

 

 

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF AGRICULTURE LABORERS IN BANGLADESH

Geographic Distribution of agricultural labor households in terms total households

In terms of geographic distribution of agricultural laborers, it has been found that highest no. of agricultural households are located at Rajshahi division followed by Dhaka division. Of the total, more than one-third (34%) agriculture labor households are situated in Rajshahi division and more than one-fourth (25%) are in Dhaka division. In Chittagong, Khulna and Barisal division,   it has been found 14.4%, 15.2% and 5.42% respectively. In Sylhet division, it has been found lowest, 5.15% (Figure 2).

 

Figure 2: Distribution of agri.labor HH in rural area by administrative division[3]

 

Source: 2011 Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Map 1: Distribution of agri.labor HH in rural area by administrative division
Distribution of agri. labor household in terms of all holdings

In terms of all holdings, it has been found that in rural area, Khulna and Rajshahi division has highest percentage of agricultural laborers, 42.3% and 41.5% respectively, followed by Sylhet division (31.5%). The percentage of agriculture labor household in rural area is same in Barisal, Chittagong ad Dhaka division, i.e. 29.2% (Figure 3).

 

Figure 3: Distribution of agri. labor household in terms of all holdings by division[4]

 

Source: 2011 Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh

 

 

 

 

Map 2: Distribution of agri. labor HH in terms of all holdings by divisions

  

Distribution of agri. labor household in terms of all holdings by district: The highest no. agriculture household is concentrated in Satkhira district and lowest no. in Dhaka district, 52% and 4% respectively (Figure 3.4). It has been found that the highest no. of agriculture labor households are concentrated in Kurigram (49%), Natore and Gaibandha (46%), Meherpur (45%) and Netrakon (44%) district and the lowest no. of agriculture labor are in Dhaka (4%), Narayanganj (8%), Chittagong (14%), Gazipur (15%), Jhalokhati (16%), Narshingdi (18%) and  Sylhet (19%) and Feni (21%) district (Figure 4).

In terms of concentration of agri. labor household, there is difference within the district and upazila in terms of rate of urbanization and distance from town. The no. of agri. labor household is low in Sadar Upazila of district and highest in the remote area; which is similar in the nearest unions of Upazila. Accordingly, the average no. of agriculture labor households is 33% in terms of all holdings in district. Here the scope of working in non-agricultural sector have major role.

Figure 4: Distribution of agri. labor household by district in terms of all holdings in %

 Source: 2011 Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh

 

Labor deficit and labor surplus districts in agriculture

Agriculture generates seasonal employment for labors. From Interview and Focus Group Discussion (FGD), it has been found that in some districts of the country, there happens shortages labor for agriculture and depends mostly on migrated agricultural labor. In general, the districts having less than 25% of agriculture labor households, faces deficit of labor generally in the whole season and particularly in peak season, it last 25 to 30 days as huge labor requires at a time. These districts are highly labor deficits area. Generally, these districts depend totally on migrated labor supplied mostly from the districts where agriculture labor household is above 36%. These districts are labor surplus area and are mostly from Rangpur division. There is no updated information about internal agriculture labor migration in Bangladesh containing the whole scenario.  In general, agricultural labor migrates seasonally from Rangpur division to other parts of the country, especially Dhaka, Chittagong and Sylhet division.

 

From field interview, it has been found that the districts where agriculture labor households contain 26-30% are also moderately labor deficits area in general, where migrated seasonal labor comes from nearer districts. But in some Upazila of Tangail district where agriculture depends on migrated labor of Rangpur division. In terms of availability of labor, some districts are self-sufficient, these districts comprise 31-35% labor households, but in peak season labor migrates from high concentrated areas to low concentrated areas within the Upazila and nearer Upazilas within the districts.

 

Table 3: Distribution of agri. labor household by district in percentage

% of agriculture labor household Name of District Characteristics in terms of surplus and deficits
Less than 20% Dhaka, Narayanganj, Chittagong, Gazipur, Narshingdhi, Jhalokhati, Sylhet Highly deficit districts
21-25% Feni, Munshiganj, Brahmanbari, Patuakhali, Deficit districts
26-30% Tangail, Manikganj, Rangamati, Moulovibazar, Cox’s Bazar, Barisal, Barguna, Pirojpur, Khulna, Bandarban, Comilla, Chapai Nawabganj Moderately deficit in some area
31-35% Bhola, Bogra, Noakhali, Lakshipur, Pabna, Rajbari, Faridpur, Gopalganj, Madaripur, Magura, Kushtia, Narail, Sirajganj, Panchagarh, Khagrachari, Chandpur, Sufficient
36-40% Rajshahi, Jenaidah, Chuadanga, Sunamganj, Joypurhat, Sariatpur, Kishoreganj, Mymensingh, Habiganj, Rangpur, Nilphamari, Surplus
41% and above Thakurgaon, Jessore, Netrakona, Jamalpur,  Sherpur, Dinajpur, Naogaon, Natore, Lalmonirhat, Gaibandha, Meherpur, Kurigram,  Satkhira Highly Surplus

Source: Calculated from Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh 2011, July 2011, BBS, Government of Bangladesh, www.bbs.gov.bd

 

Factors behind labor surplus and labor deficit districts in agriculture

The major factors behind the surplus labor in agriculture sector are high prevalence of poverty, limited scope to diversify the scope of income from non-agriculture and low-rate of international labor migration.

High prevalence of poverty: The Rangpur division continues to exhibit high prevalence of poverty as well as marked seasonality of income and consumption. In 2010, Rangpur division had the highest prevalence of poverty (42 percent) and extreme poverty (28 percent) relative to other divisions, exceeding the rest of the country by more than 12 percentage points in both categories (Table?).   Rangpur division is five years behind in poverty reduction relative the rest of the country. Moreover, Rangpur also suffers from persistence seasonal shocks. The austere seasonal poverty and hunger observed in Rangpur is known as Monga which lasts about three months, from September to November. In that period declines the farm wage employment[5].

 

Table 5: Comparison of poverty between Rangpur and Rest of the Country

Rangpur All Division except Rangpur
Poverty 42 % 30%
Extreme Poverty 28% 16%

Source: Wahid Uddin Mahmud, 2012, Seasonal Hunger and Public Policies: Evidence from Northwest Bangladesh, World Bank

 

Limited scope of diversify the source of income: To cope with the problems of landlessness and poverty, the agriculture labor diversify their occupation by resorting to non-agricultural activities. The income source of landless households from agriculture declined over the period of 1988 to 2008 from 49.9% to 34.2% and increased from non-agriculture 50.1% to 65.8%[6]. In Rangpur division, the scope for diversification of occupation is low compare to other region due to non-diversified rural economy. Secondly, in Rangpur division, daily wage rate of agriculture laborers are low compare to other divisions.


Disparity in access to international migration among labor surplus and labor deficit districts: Third and most important issue is that there are geographical disparities in access to migration. Over 82 percent of migrants abroad come from Dhaka, Chittagong and Sylhet; and another 7 percent from Rajshahi (Figure 3.5). Barisal, Khulna’s share in total migrants are 6% and 4% respectively; the share of Rangpur is very low; only 1% though Rangpur’s share of population from total is 11% (Figure 5 and 6). The explanation for such geographical disparities can perhaps be found in the “new economics of migration” which postulates that household, families, or other groups of related people operate collectively to maximize income and minimize risks by sending one or more family members abroad to increase overall family income while others remain behind earning lower but more stable incomes. These “network effects” suggest that migration will tend to be high from regions from where the stock of migrants is already high. Survey evidence suggests that transnational migration networks provide prospective migrants with information about economic conditions in destination countries, support in managing the immigration process, and help in obtaining housing and finding a job[7].

 

   Figure 5 : Geographic disparities in access to migration           Figure 6: % of population across the division 

Source: HIES 2010 and World Bank                                          Source: Statistical Pocket Book 2012                              

 

 

Private Transfers and Remittances in labor surplus and labor deficit divisions: The national rural average size of international remittance (Tk 12,999 per year) is 2.8 times the average size of private transfers received from within the country, Tk 4,715 per year. It has been found that Chittagong division received highest amount of international remittance followed by Sylhet division and Rangpur division received lowest amount of remittance, which is less than ten times compare to Chittagong division. In terms of private domestic transfers, Rangpur division received more money than Sylhet, Khulna and Rajshahi. It is notable that only the Rangpur region received more domestic transfer than international remittance (Figure 7).

 

Moreover, In many areas of rural Bangladesh, remittance income from family members working abroad represents a significant proportion of household income as well as a substantial source of fund inflows into the local economy. However, the exception to this pattern is Rangpur, where remittances comprised only 4.7 percent of total household income, compared to 14.8 percent for rural households in other regions in 2010[8] .

 Figure 7: Average size of private transfers and international remittances received by division

Source: Bangladesh Integrated Household Survey 2011-12, IFRI, Dhaka

General trend and characteristics of agriculture in surplus and deficit districts

In terms of availability of daily labor, agriculture is divided into two types; labor deficit and labor surplus area. In labor deficit area agriculture depends on seasonally migrated labor; Dhaka, Chittagong and some parts of Sylhet division, agriculture depends on mostly seasonally migrated labor. In Khulna division, agriculture labor migrates seasonally from Satkhira to Khulna district.

 

Consequently, there are differences in production relations, characteristics of labor market and the problems of agriculture labor among the labor deficits and labor surplus areas. Due to shortage of waged workers in labor deficit districts, the workers became sharecroppers, which increase more dependency on migrant workers. Secondly, in some areas, cash leasing became popular practice instead of sharecropping in tenancy market. The comparative changes among the two areas are presented in the table 5.

 

Table 5: DIFFERENCE BETWEEN high SURPLUS & DEFICIT AREA[9]

High Surplus  agri. labor districts

 

High deficit agri. labor districts  

 

  1. Poverty rate is high and prevalence of seasonal hunger (manga)
  1. Poverty rate is low and there is no seasonal hunger (manga)
  1. Wage rate of agri. labor is low
  1. Wage rate of agri. labor is high
  1. Rate of international migration of labor is very low

 

  1. Rate of international migration of labor is high; agri. labor HH became sharecroppers
  1. Opportunity of non-farm activity, small business, transport, job in manufacturing is low

 

  1. Opportunity of non-farm activity, small business, transport, job in manufacturing is high
  1. Sharecropping is dominant mode, also there is the practice of contract sharing (chukti barga)
  1. Cash leasing  is dominant mode, in general no contract sharing (chukti barga)
  1. Sharecroppers are in weak condition in-terms of bargaining with land owners
  1. Sharecroppers are in favorable condition in-terms of bargaining with land owners
  1. Land owners dominates in decision making

 

  1. Tensions prevailing over sharing the input cost in sharecropping
  1. Owners are big farmers
  1. In some cases tenants are big farmer
  1. Women are wage laborers

 

  1. In general, women laborers does not work in the field
  1. Condition of agri. labor is comparatively bad
  1. Condition of agri. labor comparatively good
  1. Mostly Rangpur division
  1. Mostly Dhaka and Chittagong division
  1. [Here critical issue here is workers right & sharecropping]

 

  1. [Here critical issue here is land rights/tenancy right/sharecroppers right]

 

 

PROBLEMS OF AGRICULTURE LABORERS IN BANGLADESH

 

The agriculture laborers of Bangladesh are most neglected in society; seasonal unemployment, underemployment, irregular employment, low wage, seasonal hunger and poverty are manifested in the daily lives and livings of the agriculture laborers.

 

It is difficult to define agriculture labor like industrial labor. Difficulties in defining agricultural labour are compounded by the fact that many small and marginal farmers also work partly on the farms of others to supplement their income. With rapid rural to urban migration, absentee land ownership has been growing. The medium and large land owners leave farming. Consequently, tenancy markets are increasing and agriculture laborers are becoming share cropper. Besides, most of the agriculture laborers have secondary occupation, mostly van/rickshaw pulling. In addition with seasonal migration for agriculture work, the agriculture laborers migrate in off season to towns/cities and engage in different informal sectors like rickshaw pulling, construction work.  Many rickshaw pullers of Dhaka city are agriculture workers in the rural area. In both rural and urban area their social status is very low.

 

 

The major problems of agriculture laborers are mentioned below[10].

 

  • Seasonal unemployment and irregular ;
  • Segmented labor market and inequality in wage;
  • Patron-client relationship;
  • Landlessness and poverty among agri.labors;
  • Government services are denied to sharecroppers;
  • Unfavorable sharecropping in loss-making agriculture;
  • Low Social Status.

 

The nature of these problems is different in labor surplus and labor deficit areas in terms of intensity and rate. This chapter discusses the problems of agriculture laborers of Bangladesh having some comparison with labor surplus and labor deficit areas.

 

Seasonal Employment and Irregular

The major problem of agriculture worker is that they have to remain unemployed half of the year in agriculture sector. The agricultural season in Bangladesh is 5-6 months. In the season 30 to 45 days is peak season round the year; peak season is the main income period of an agriculture worker. Agricultural workers migrate at that time from surplus areas to deficit areas, especially from poverty prone Rangpur region to other parts of the country to get better wage; women and family members take care of their own agriculture, there is no difference of agricultural season among the regions. Within the 6-month season, it is not possible for a worker to sell labor whole the month; usually it is 10 to 20 days per month, it varies person to person.

 

There is no update statistics about the days of employment of an agriculture worker in a year. According to agriculture workers, they have no work in agriculture 5 to 6 months in a year in their area; it is off season to them. According to Bangladesh Khetmajur Samity the agriculture workers remain unemployed more than 150 days per year.

According to BIDS survey in 2005, an agricultural laborer, on an average, is engaged annually for 162 days in agricultural activities and for 94 days in non-agricultural activities. This indicates that an agricultural laborer remains unemployed/underemployed for a substantial period in a year[11]. At the period of unemployment, majority of agriculture workers pull van/rickshaw in their area, works in government schemes and other non-farm activities in rural areas.  Some agriculture workers migrate to nearer town or cities and work as day laborer in different informal sector like rickshaw pulling, loader, hawker, construction work, and also in hotel and restaurant. There is difference between male and female workers; the female workers can’t migrate like male workers.

 

Majority of the households (sharecroppers, agricultural labourers and all types of households) search for work in their own and neighboring villages and nearly 30-40 percent of them migrate to various towns (including Dhaka city) for their work. This indicates that labor mobility is also significant in rural areas of Bangladesh[12].

 

The agriculture workers in Chunaroghat said they migrate to Moulovibazr town, Sylhet, Chittagong and Dhaka city. In Sylhet they work as stone loading/collection, ship breaking industry in Chittagong and in some areas they work as earth breaking (mati kata) worker. Mr. Sadekul, a Rickshaw puller of Dhaka city said, the majority of rickshaw pullers of Dhaka city are agriculture worker, in the off season they migrate to Dhaka city for better earning.  According to them there is scope of work in the off season and they earn TK. 300 to 400 per day in the town or city. The problem is that it is mostly daily basis and irregular.

 

 

The women worker can’t migrate in the off season. Ms. Sakina Khtun, A woman worker in Nilphamari district “ (Meye Manush, amra kajer Sandane Alakar Baire Jete Pari Na”)  “as women, we can’t move from our village like men, we have no security and protection” . 

 

 

 SEGMENTED LABOR MARKET AND INEQUALITY IN WAGE 

Due to predominance of family-based holdings, the agricultural labor market in Bangladesh is small and fragmented. The agricultural labor market in most districts of Bangladesh is very complex. Even within a village, the labor market is segmented by the variety of considerations including gender differences and type of agricultural and non-agricultural activities. The laborers are not homogenous. Labor is transacted in the market under three major arrangements[13]:

  • hiring on a seasonal or annual contract (attached workers);
  • hiring on a daily contract (casual work); and
  • hiring on a piece-rate contract (contract workers).

 

Attached workers almost disappeared but there is practice of patron-client relationship: The attached workers, or bandha majur, usually live with the farm household and are paid wages on a monthly/seasonal/yearly basis and provided with free meals and clothing. The working conditions for attached workers are precarious and considered of low social esteem. However, their participation in labor market is on the decline and almost disappeared.

 

According to findings from repeated sample survey that labour transactions on a seasonal or annual basis have waned. In 1988, bandha majur  were kept on 16 percent of the farm households; the average number of such workers per farm household was 0.27. During 2000, only 8 percent of farm households hired this category of workers and the average number of workers was only 0.14.

From our field visit, it has been found that it is not in practice to hire attached labor; in Chunarughat, the agriculture laborers informed that there a system of seasonal contract of workers with farm household for 8 months and the wage is between 30-35 mond paddy or 20,000 to 25000 taka per season with food, accommodation and clothing. The system is diminishing. The workers are not interested to be attached with household as it is low social status and some time have listen illogical comments from employers. The big farmers told that it is not profitable now to employ attached labor. But the woman in some area works as attached labor in the agriculture season, the no. is very few. The wage rate is in kind not in cash; 3-4 mand paddy with one saree in a one/two month per season; the employer provide food and accommodation if needed. The woman workers support in cooking and agriculture related activities. This practice is also declining. It has also found that women migrate seasonally as attached labor within the district, from one upazila to another upazila and within the known network[14].  It has also been found that in some remote coastal areas like Hatiya upazila of Noakhali , attached labor also in practice, and the trend is declining.

  1. Casual workers, known as din majur or kamla are employed on a daily basis, depending on the need and/or opportunity of work. In 1988, 29 percent of all rural households and 42 of functionally landless households supplied labour under this arrangements. In 2000, the number was 12 percent and 20 percent respectively[15]. Their work as agricultural wage–labourers has also declined and they are now absorbed largely in rural non-farm sectors (Hossain and Bayes 2007, Saha 2001b)[16].

iii. Contract workers, or chukti or thika majur , are hired to complete a specific operation for a piece-rated wage, depending on the size of the parcel of land on which the work has to be done. It is emerging trend. During weeding and harvesting periods, contract laborers are gaining importance due to increasing scarcity and the problem of supervision of casual laborers. Thus the piece-rated work is more remunerative. The labourer works more intensively, and the employer can get the work done with less workers. It is a win-win situation for both the employer and the employee.

Inequality of wage in terms of gender

Due to wide fluctuations in seasonal and regional wages, it is difficult to estimate wages for country as a whole. Despite these difficulties, the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics publishes monthly wage of industry and agricultural laborers wage. It has been found the wage of agriculture laborers is highest in the month of April and May and in the month of May the wage is highest; the wage is lowest in the month of January (Table7). In terms of wage, there is a difference between women (Taka 236) and man (Taka311); it is about 80 taka to 100 taka.

Table 7: Average daily wage rate of Agri. labor without food and with food by sex in TK.

Month Without Food With Food
Male Female Male Female
January 2013 268 191 230 156
February 2013 267 206 242 166
March 2013 266 198 237 166
April 2013 288 220 254 179
May 2013 311 236 280 201
June 2013 283 245 252 175

Source: Monthly Statistical Bulletin, Bangladesh, June-2013

In terms of geographic distribution of wage without food, it has been found that Dhaka division is highest (356 Taka) followed by Chittagong division (333.5 Taka) and Rajshahi division is lowest (260.6). The Rangpur region is included in the Rajshahi division, where national averages were Taka 311 for male and Taka 236 for female.

Table 8: Average daily wage rate of Agri. Labor by division and sex in May’13 without food(in TK.)

Division Male Female
Barisal 293.5
Chittagong 333.5 237.1
Dhaka 356.1 258.8
Khulna 287.5 196.5
Rajshahi 260.6 211
National 311 236

Source: Monthly Statistical Bulletin, Bangladesh, June-2013

 

From field visit, it has been found that there are differences of wage in terms of gender and ethnicity.  The table 9 shows the inequality of wages.

Table 9: Daily wage rate of agricultural workers in TK

  Male Female
Normal season Peak season Normal season Peak season
Domar, Nilphamari 150-200 250-300 70-80 100-150
Chunarughat, Habiganj 200-250 300-350

In contract, 400-500

-In Kind

– TK. 150 in all season for both male & female

Sonagaji, Feni 200-250 300-350

In contract, 400-500

-100

(From Asrayan Project)

-150 to 200

(From Asrayan Project)

Mirsarai, Chittagong 300-350 300-350

In contract, 400-500

-70

(from fisher-folk community)

-70

(from fisher-folk community)

Source: Field Interview, FGD

According to Bangladesh Integrated Household Survey 2011-12 prepared by IFRI, it has been found that the daily wage rate at the national rural level for males (Tk 222.5) was 16.0 percent higher than the rate for females (Tk 191.8). The gender gap in wage rates was biggest in Barisal division—the male wage was 31.4 percent higher than the female wage and smallest in Rangpur division—the male wage was only 3.8 percent higher than the female wage.

The agricultural wages for both males and females were the highest in Chittagong division. The lowest wage for males was recorded in Rangpur division, and for females in Rajshahi division (Figure 8).

Figure 8: Average daily wage rates of agri. laborers by divisions

Source: BIHH Survey 2011-12, IFRI, Dhaka

Inequality of wage in terms of ethnicity

Majority of the plain land indigenous people are involved with agricultural day labor, which is higher than the national level; however, only 0.5% people have own land for cultivation or farming[17]. As compared with Bengali people, those, who are engaged in wage labor, are mostly discriminated. There is a large variation in daily wage in the different plain land indigenous groups. Santal community gets relatively more daily wage than the other communities[18].

Bengali laborers have a fixed time to work whereas adivasi laborer works 2-4 hours more than the Bengalis. Though the type of work and the load of the work is same. They are paid fewer wages for their labor compared with the non-adivasi laborers[19]. This situation has been observed in Chunarughat of Habiganj district, that the wage rate of workers living in the tea garden area- an ethnic minority is low compare to Bengali workers having same work and they work more in terms of hour. Whole the year their wage is 150 Taka, irrespective of peak and lean season (Table 3.5). In the labor market in agriculture, they work as a group under a Sardar (group leader) and male, female works together in the field.  It also has been found that they don’t migrate to distance areas like Bengali laborers; which also reduces their bargaining capacity in labor market.

 

Child Labor in Agriculture 

Children as wage labor in crop sector of agriculture has already been disappeared; it has not been found in our field visit; but it is common practice that children is working as unpaid family worker as aid or helper in all activities at all levels from seed preservation to marketing. In some remote areas, there might be children working as attached labor in the rural household doing household work with field work in agriculture.

 

Patron-client relationship

Though attached labor is not in practice, but there is some sort of patron client relationship prevailing especially in Rangpur region. Though the labor is almost free, but in some areas where rental market of agricultural land is competitive, the bargaining power of tenants is reduced to a great extent. The landlord can exploit the tenants’ cheap family labour and also can use them (patron-client relation) in village politics and local conflicts (Hossain 1981). The word “Proja”, “Adhiar” is also in practice now, though the trend is declining. The patron-client relationship also ensures an assured supply of labour required to satisfy the timely demand of agricultural operation.

 

From BIDS survey data it has been found that the work attachment of the tenants to the landowners appears to be very low. It has been found that nearly 5 percent of tenants have work attachment to the landowners. These attached tenants usually provide farm (wage) and domestic labor to the landowners. According to the findings of the survey, it has been found that that while most of the tenants (58 percent) sell their labor to the landowners at the market rate, a significant portion of them (36 percent) sell their labor at less than market rate as well. Sometime they also sell at more than the market rate and also under free (unpaid) market arrangements. In such circumstances, patron-client relationships appear to be prevalent, but not to a significant extent[20].

 

From interview with the worker-cum tenants of Domar Upazila of Nilphamri, it has been found that they get market price from the land owners, but some time they get 15-20 Taka less than the market price and it is in very few cases; they mostly works in land owners field and sometimes do small work without payment; ‘We eat their salt, we have to admire them’ (in Bangla ‘Noon khai, gun gaite hobe’). One farmer of the area said, in the peak season,

 

“I pay 20 to 30 taka less than the market rate being them pressurized. Generally, the Adhiar (sharecropper) or Proja work in their land lord’s field. The workers don’t move to other landlord’s field without completing the work.  It’s a tradition, but it is declining. Workers are free to move and sell their labor”.

 Other absentee landowners said,

“Everything is changing rapidly, people are becoming urban centered, when I visit my village; the old tenants come forward and take my bags; but their children don’t care it and even they are not interested with agriculture; the primordial relationship is breaking down”   

 

The patron-client relation is still in practice particularly in Rangpur region, where tenancy market is competitive, but not a significant extent.

 

Landlessness and poverty among agri.labors;

Agricultural wage laborers are among the poorest in rural Bangladesh. It has been found that the rate of poverty reduction was slowest for agriculture laborer, who has experienced the smallest decline in poverty among all occupational groups. The wage labor in rural area still remains the poorest group of all both in agriculture and non-agriculture.[21]

 

Land is the most important factor of agricultural production. Most of the agricultural laborers belong to group of landless. It is remarkable that Chittagong division (labor deficit area) has highest percentage of incidence landlessness followed Sylhet and Rangpur, respectively 67.30%, 60.70% and 57.80% (Figure 9). The Khulna division has lowest percentage of landlessness.

Figure 9: Incidence of landlessness by administrative division in percentage

Source: BIHH Survey 2011-12, IFRI, Dhaka

The Rangpur division continues to exhibit high prevalence of poverty. Rangpur division is five years behind in poverty reduction relative the rest of the country. Moreover, Rangpur also suffers from persistence seasonal shocks. The austere seasonal poverty and hunger observed in Rangpur is known as Monga which lasts about three months, from September to November. In that period declines the farm wage employment (Figure 10).

Figure 10: Incidence of Poverty by division

Source: HIES 2010

 

Government services are denied to agriculture laborers and sharecroppers

 

There is policy gap to provide Input assistance for sharecroppers: Government provided Agriculture Input Assistance Service Card and Bank Account for farmers is a good initiative; it’s a fulfillment of long demands farmers organizations.   Government policy did not consider the actual situation of the tenancy arrangement in the field; in the policy there is no direction for sharecroppers to provide the input assistance. The absentee land owners and land owners involved with non-agricultural activity   should not be treated as farmers.

 

Structural Constraint to provide support to sharecroppers: According to Agriculture Extension Officials, it is difficult to identify the real sharecroppers as there is three types of share cropper-Permanent, Seasonal/Yearly and Temporary; though they are trying to find out who is permanent. This difficulty created space for corruption and nepotism. Sharecropping is a structural constraint for technological promotion in agriculture; the share croppers are reluctant to new technology as there is no ownership in tenancy;

 

Outreach to agricultural extension services to small and marginal farmers is low: According to BIH survey 2011-12, Marginal and small farmers constitute the largest share of farmers in Bangladesh. However, the outreach of agricultural extension services to these two groups of farmers is very low in absolute terms and considerably less than the service provided to medium and large farmers.

The agriculture laborers and extension officials identified the following problems in extension services[22]:

  • Government support is inadequate in terms of no. and quantity of assistance in most of the cases it is one third of demand ;
  • The extension officers faces pressure from political leaders, UP Chairman and farmers; it is difficult to manage the program;
  • There is constraints also in the demands side; lack of information and awareness also create obstacles. The farmers are not adequately informed about the card, subsidy and bank account;
  • The farmers blamed that government input assistance is being used as a tool for vote banking and patron-client relationship;
  • It has been found that there is corruption and in distribution of subsidized fertilizer to farmers; farmers paid TK.400 to the agent of leaders/elected representative to get the fertilizer. In employment generation program, the landless poor woman blamed that elected representative in local government takes bribe TK. 500 to 1000 to provide employment; and there is systematic (Open-Secret) corruption in safety net programs of food security under Public Food Distribution System; the dealers/intermediaries are the main beneficiary;
  • There is no control mechanism to check the corruption of elected representatives by the extension officials/ block supervisors

Unfavorable sharecropping in loss-making agriculture

The practice of sharecropping as a dominant tenancy arrangement in Bangladesh is spreading for the last couple of years.  Under the system, the harvest and certain input costs are shared between the landowner and tenants.  According to the findings of field visit it has been found that there are two types of share cropping,  Adi Barga (Sharing Half) and Chukti Barga(Sharing fixed amount of crops) . In both cases Contracts are made on a seasonal or annual basis. In Adi Barga system, the tenants have to provide half of the harvest to landowners generally for paddy cultivation. In terms of sharing the input cost, there are differences among labor surplus and labor deficit areas.

In Chukti Barga system, the tenants have to provide fixed amount of crops to landowners, the landowners don’t share input cost in this system. It has been found that most of the agriculture laborers are sharecroppers and they prefer adi barga system.

Besides the sharecropping system, there is also a practice of yearly/season basis fixed rent contract (cash lease) system, under which the tenant enjoy the cultivation right of land. The absentee land owners prefer this system for unearned income from agriculture land without investment which creates a burden of rent on small farmers[23]. Usually, the land owner takes money from tenant annually and has no interest in land, tenant and agriculture.

There are some differences in labor surplus and labor deficit areas in terms of rate, input sharing and extent of sharecropping. It has been found that, the land for cash crop, commercial vegetable cultivation, potato, onion, nut cultivation; the predominant practice is seasonal basis or yearly basis fixed rent; for example in Narshingdhi area where commercial vegetable is being cultivated, the popular practice is seasonal basis fixed rent system for leasing the agriculture land. Fixed-rent tenancy has been observed to be crop-specific and season-specific and has been confined to the cultivation of high yielding varieties of rice in the aman and boro seasons (Zohir and Sen 1999).

In paddy cultivation, generally the dominant practice is adibargah, there is also the practice of chukti barga depending on quality of land. The tenant prefers to take the risk if the quality of land is good.  It has been found that chukti barga is being practiced in Nilphamari for HYV (china) cultivation; the tenants have to provide 4-4.5 mand dry good quality paddy for per bigha land. The tenants informed that the owners of land don’t share the cost of input, but share the cost of fertilizer in aman season. In Chunrughat, there is also few practices of chukti bargah, but dominant mode is adhi barga.  In adibigha, the general practice is that the land owner doesn’t share the cost of input, but take the half of the crops.

In some areas, the share cropper get two thirds of the crops and land owners owner gets one third. It has been observed that in Mirsarai, Chittagong, there is conflict between tenants and landowners over the issue of cost sharing. The land owners get one third of the crops. Some time land owners commit about sharing the cost in order to get half of the crops, sometime violate the contract and takes away forcefully half of the crops. It has been observed that the tenants are in bargaining position in this labor deficit area and established tebagha; i.e. one-third for land owners, one-third for tenants and one-third for sharing of input cost. In most of the areas of the country including labor surplus areas, the position of sharecroppers are weak in terms of bargaining about the sharing of harvest.

The sharecropping arrangements are exclusively verbal agreement in rural Bangladesh; tenants have no security of tenure. Both management and risk are assumed by the tenant. The tenant has thus little interest in making long term investment in the land.[24]

 

Most share cropper are small holders do not generate a marketable surplus and are generally net byres of food grains. Where the crop is sold after harvest by small holders, it is sold at sub-market prices. Later in the year the same farmer bye food in the market at above market prices so that the market serves to further impoverish the tenant farmers.[25]

 

The sharecropping is not viable. It‘s net loss, but the agriculture laborers are helpless. Evidence indicates that, absentee land ownership has been growing. More and more people are getting access to land through the tenancy market, as medium and large land owners leave farming due to high cost of inputs and low cost of crops. Sometimes, the farmers have to sell their product below the cost of product. Consequently, larger no. of holdings and area of land is sharecropped by tenant farmers.

 

In the field visit, it has been found that the sharecroppers are increasing; the land is rented out by large and medium landowners. In general it is above the 60%; lowest in Rangpur region (50%), and highest in Chittagong region, above 70%. In Chittagong region cash leasing is an emerging trend. In Habiganj and Feni, it is above 60% and the mode of sharecropping is dominant in all the areas.

About one-third of the farmers do not own any cultivable land. Therefore, they have insecure, prohibitive, and unstable access to land through sharecropping or land-leasing arrangements, which reduce the impact of agricultural development interventions on their livelihoods. These farmers must pay rent for the land they cultivate, which makes farming a low-profit enterprise for them.

 

The Land Reforms Ordinance of 1984 had provided one-third share of the produce of share cropping   land for the owner and two-thirds for the sharecropper. But no measure was ever taken to implement the law at village level. As a result, the sharecropping system had been operating in the villages according to market forces.

 

 

 

 

 

Box 7: Sharecropping is not profitable, it is totally loss-making

Mojibol Rahman, Domar, Nilphamari

Mojibul Rahman (43) is a agriculture worker living in Ketkibari, P.S. Chilahati in Domar Upazila under Nilphamari district, the extreme northern point of Bangladesh. He is living in own homestead land (16 decimal) and have no cultivable land. He got 25 decimal khas land from government and sold 9 decimal for treatment of his mother to the neighbor.  In addition with this land he is cultivating 7 bighas land as sharecropper. He is a agriculture worker. As a secondary occupation he rides van regularly to supplement daily family expenses.His wife and children also work in field to reduce the cost of agriculture. Mojibar does not hire labor, his wife works with him in the field and she does not work in others field; he thinks it is very low status of work and don’t permit his wife though women in the area works in the field as worker. To reduce the cost Mojibor do hard work, for two times of ploughing, he rent tractor for one time after one time ploughing by cow. He said sharecropping is not profitable at all. If his family labor included with other cost of inputs, it is totally loss-making and uneconomical; he is doing it as he has no other option. He gets rice for 5-6months for family consumption and some vegetable items; he has not to purchase it from market. He said, the operated land for sharecropping under his household is low, he is not getting good yield. The landowners don’t share the cost of production. The china (boro) cultivation is very expensive and requires hard work. According to contract, he has to provide 4.5 mand dry paddy to land owners is not sharing any cost in boro, but in Aman, the land owners provide fertilizer cost.According to Mojibar, in an the landless peasant have to purchase food for 4-5 months. The price of rice is TK. 36/kg; its difficult to bear. The income from van pulling is not regular. Sometime they take loan locally TK. 1000 against of interest of TK.100 /monthly.  

In the peak season of agriculture, he migrates to Shantahar and Joypurhat for 20 to 25 days. They start journey from Chilahati by train comprising a group of 8 to 10 people on 15 Boishak. At that time the agriculture worker of Chiltahati migrates to Tangail, Dhaka and Noakhali.  Agriculture worker from Syedpur, Rangpur also migrate in these areas. In these districts, the wage rate is higher TK.100 to TK. 150. At that time, the wage in Chilahati per day TK. 250 to TK. 300 with food; in Shantahar the rate is TK. 400 with food. The employer arranges accommodation and food. He is satisfied about food but not accommodation. He told that accommodation is not good, they stay there only to pass the time and have to remain in safe especially the money what they gets as wage.

Migration of agriculture workers creates labor shortage in his area and it raises the wage, usually the per day wage is TK. 200 to TK. 250; it goes up to TK. 300 to TK.350 in the peak season.  In the lean season, the workers also migrate to Dhaka for Rickshaw pulling and come back in the peak season of agriculture, he said. When he migrates to other districts his wife takes care of agriculture.  In general, the workers sell their labor in the field of land owners which they take for share cropping and lease, but they are free to work anywhere. The land owners pay the market rate, some time they gets less money TK.10 to 20; this is very rare. When the land owner request them they feel moral obligation to work in the owners land as at this time there remains shortage of labor in the area. There remains kind of Patron-client relationship. They feel dependency on land owners, “Nun khai, gun gaite hobe”   if you take support from someone, you have to pay for it. We are getting land from landlord; we have to pay for this, he said. He also said when landlord calls us for any work, we try to fulfill it. His one child is working as domestic worker in the residence of landlord’s sister house in Dhaka city.

 

 

Low Social Status

The agricultural laborers of Bangladesh are most neglected section of society. They are socially handicapped; they don’t assert themselves as important to materialize their demands. In Rangpur region, the landlord/jotdar treats them as Adhiar and Praja. The very derogatory word Chasa, Aill, Kamla, Gabur has been used for agricultural laborers; though they doubled the production of agriculture in Bangladesh. The bhadrlook class (educated middle class) used these words as slang and treats them as lower class having low intellectual capacity. They don’t get good place for sleeping when they migrate for searching of jobs; sometime they rent room in market and sleep 6 to 10 people in a room. They are called as mafiz (having low status and low intellectual capacity). These created frustration and low confidence among the agriculture workers.

 

 

In the FGD and Interview most of the agriculture worker said, we have nothing to say, we have no demand to government. Is there any authority to listen our demands? They never heard the very word ‘Rights’. They lost their confidence. They don’t consider themselves as part of society, Mohammad Shameem, an agriculture labor of Habiganj said, we have no way, we have to work hard to survive and we are entrapped in loss-making agriculture.

 

 

[1] Source: Akash, M.M., July 2013, National Budget 2013-14 for Agriculture and Rural Workers, Khetmajur Khabar (Agriculture Workers News), Bangladesh Khetmajur Samity, (In Bengali) Dhaka

 

[2] Bimal Kumar Saha, Quazi Shahabuddin, 2013. Poverty Dynamics: A perception Study Tenants and Agricultural Laborers in Bangladesh, BIDS, Vol. XXXVI, Dhaka

[3] Rangpur is newly declared division, here included under Rajshahi

[4] Rangpur is a newly declared division, here Rangpur division is included under Rajshahi division

[5] Shahidur R. Khandker and Wahiduddin Mahmud, 2012, Seasonal Hunger and Public Policies: Evidence from Northwest Bangladesh, World Bank

[6] Abdul Bayes and Mahbub Hossein, 2013, Tinbigha Jami, AH Development Publishing House Dhaka

[7] Bangladesh: Towards Accelerated, Inclusive and Sustainable Growth-Opportunities and Challenges, June, 2012,

https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/12121/67991.pdf?sequence=1

 

[8] Bangladesh Poverty Assessment: Assessing a Decade of Progress in Reducing Poverty 2000-2010

[9] Findings generated from field visit, interview and FGD

[10] Findings generated from field visit, interview and FGD

[11] Bimal Kumar Saha, Quazi Shahabuddin, 2013. Poverty Dynamics: A perception Study Tenants and Agricultural Laborers in Bangladesh, BIDS, Vol. XXXVI, Dhaka

[12] Bimal Kumar Saha, Quazi Shahabuddin, 2013. Poverty Dynamics: A perception Study Tenants and Agricultural Laborers in Bangladesh, BIDS, Vol. XXXVI, Dhaka

[13] Mahbub Hossain and Abdul Bayes, 2009, “Progress in Rural Economy in Bangladesh: Insight from Repeat Sample Surveys” in Development Experience and Emerging Challenges edited by Quazi Shahabuddin & Rushidan Islam Rahman, BIDS & UPL, Dhaka

[14] Findings generated from Interview and FGD with agri. laborers in Hobiganj

[15] Mahbub Hossain and Abdul Bayes, 2009, “Progress in Rural Economy in Bangladesh: Insight from Repeat Sample Surveys” in Development Experience and Emerging Challenges edited by Quazi Shahabuddin & Rushidan Islam Rahman, BIDS & UPL, Dhaka

[16] Bimal Kumar Saha, Quazi Shahabuddin, 2013. Poverty Dynamics: A perception Study Tenants and Agricultural Laborers in Bangladesh, BIDS, Vol. XXXVI, Dhaka

[17] Md. Mostafizur Rahman, Plain Land Indigenous People of Bangladesh, 2013, Srabon Prokashoni, Dhaka

[18] Md. Mostafizur Rahman, Plain Land Indigenous People of Bangladesh, 2013, Srabon Prokashoni, Dhaka

[19] Sohana Khandoker , “Santals: The Oppressed Indigenous” The Daily Star, Dhaka 16 April, 2000

 

[20] Bimal Kumar Saha, Quazi Shahabuddin, 2013. Poverty Dynamics: A perception Study Tenants and Agricultural Laborers in Bangladesh, BIDS, Vol. XXXVI, Dhaka

[21] S. R. Osmani and M. Abdul Latif. 2013. The Pattern and Determinants of Poverty in Rural Bangladesh 2000-2010. Bangladesh Development Studies, Vol.XXXVI, Dhaka

[22] Findings generated from field visit, interview and FGD

[23] Swapan Adnan, 2008.”Peasant Question and Khas Land Movement in Bangladesh” (in Bengali), Natun Diganta, 6 (4), Samaj Rupantar Adyan Kendra, Dhaka

[24] Bimal Kumar Saha, Quazi Shahabuddin, 2013. Poverty Dynamics: A perception Study Tenants and Agricultural Laborers in Bangladesh, BIDS, Vol. XXXVI, Dhaka

[25] Mahbub Hossain and Abdul Bayes, 2009, “Progress in Rural Economy in Bangladesh: Insight from Repeat Sample Surveys” in Development Experience and Emerging Challenges edited by Quazi Shahabuddin & Rushidan Islam Rahman, BIDS & UPL, Dhaka

AGRICULTURE OF BANGLADESH: CHARACTERISTICS AND CHALLENGES

Agriculture is the largest sector of employment in Bangladesh

According to Labor Force Survey (LFS) 2010, among the employed population in Bangladesh, about 48% of employed person are employed in the agriculture sector. The LFS 2010 estimated that of the total employed person as high as 47.56% was engaged in agriculture sector followed by service (35.35%) and industry sector (17.52%).  In the industry sector, 12.44% was in the manufacturing sector and the rest in other industries (Table 1).

 

The majority of the female are employed in the agriculture sector, about 69% (Table 1). For the females, the highest 64.84% was engaged in agriculture sector followed by service sector (21.89%) and industry sector (13.32%). For the males, the highest 41.11% was engaged in the service sector followed by agriculture (40.18%) and industry (19.60%). The majority of the people are living in rural areas and women are mainly employed in home-based agricultural activities. Women have increased their labor substantially for poultry raising, homestead gardening and non-farm services. It should be noted that structural changes and modernization of the economy have affected men and women differently. Women continue to work in home-based farm activities while men work in non-farm activities like business and transport[1].

 

Table 1: Employed Person Aged 15+ by Economic Sector – No. & Percentage  (No.000)

Broad Economic Sector Male Female Total
Agriculture 15221 (40.18%) 10506 (64.84%) 25727 (47.56%)
Services 15572 (41.11%) 3546 (21.89%) 19119    (35.35%)
Manufacturing 4824 (12.73%) 1907 (11.77%) 6731 (12.44%)
Other Industries 2604   (6.87%) 251 (1.55%) 2855 (5.28%)
Total[2] 37882 (100%) 16202 (100.0%) 54084 (100.0%)

Source: Report on Labour Force Survey 2010, Aug.2011, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Gov. of Bangladesh

 

 

Agriculture’s Share in GDP

The share of agriculture in GDP has declined from one-third to around one fifth over three decades : In the sectoral composition of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) over the last three decades, agriculture shrank as a share of GDP, whereas the industry sector grew and service sector remains same as share of GDP (Figure-1). From 1980 to 2011, the share of agriculture sector in GDP shrank 33.07% to 19.29% and the share of industry increased 17.31% to 31.26%.[3] Although the share of agriculture in GDP has declined from one-third to around one fifth over three decades, from the 80s to 2011; it remains the predominant sector in terms of employment and livelihood, with about half of Bangladesh’s workforce engaged in it as the principal occupation. The importance of agriculture sector in generating employment, alleviating poverty and fostering growth is needless to mention[4].

 

    Figure 1: Structural Change of Broad Sectors of Share in GDP

Source: Bangladesh Economic Review 2012, June 2012, Ministry of Finance, Gov. of Bangladesh

 

Changes in Sectoral Composition of Employment: gradual decline of agriculture and a rise of services

According to Labor Force Survey Reports, the share of agriculture in total employment declined from 51 percent to 48 percent between 2000 and 2005 and dropped to 47 percent in 2010 (Figure 2). The industry sector’s share grew from 14 percent to 18 percent of total employment between 2000 and 2010, while the share of employment in the service sector remained constant at about 35 percent (Figure 2).  

 

Consistent with the growing industry and service sectors, several important structural changes occurred in the labor market between 2000 and 2010. The main processes were:

  1. A gradual decline of agriculture and a rise of services;
  2. Employment growth in urban areas; and
  • A movement away from agriculture, toward industry and services[5].

 Agricultural growth has accelerated from less than 2.0% per year during the first two decades after independence to around 3.0% during the last decade. Despite such a steady growth in agriculture as well as in food production, Bangladesh has been facing persistent challenges in achieving food security. This is mainly due to natural disasters and fluctuations in food prices from the influence of volatile international market for basic food items.[6]

 

Figure 2: Sectoral Composition of Employment

Source: Labor Force Surveys, BBS

 

Agriculture in Bangladesh: Climate and Physiography

Bangladesh forms the largest delta in the world and is situated between 88o10′ and 92o41′ East longitudes and between 20o34′ and 26o38′ North latitudes. The great delta is flat throughout and stretches from near the foothills of the Himalayan Mountains in the north to the Bay of Bengal in the south. The vast plain is washed by mighty rivers-the Meghna, the Padma, the Jamuna and the Karnafuli and their numerous tributaries. Tropical monsoon rains drench the land and the rivers. The onrush of rain waters in summer overflows their banks flooding low and outlying areas every year.

 

The monotony of flatness has been relieved inland by two elevated tracts-the Modhupur and the Barind tracts, and on the north-east and southeast by rows of hilly forests. The great plain lies almost at sea level along the southern coast and rises gradually towards north. The maximum elevation above the mean sea level is 4034 feet at Keocradang Hill in Rangamati Hill district. The topography , however, variable and can be divided into the following five classes[7].

 

  1. High Land: The area is relatively high and cannot hold waters during monsoon. Some waters are retained by raising “bandhs” around fields. The area spreads over Modhupur Garh in Tangail and Mymensingh district, Bhaoal’s Garh in Gazipur and Dhaka district, Barind tract in Rajshahi Division, Lalmai area in Comilla and “Tilla” areas in Sylhet, Moulvi Bazar and Habiganj district.

 

  1. Medium Highland: The land which is normally flooded up to about 90 cm. depth during the rainy season for more than two weeks continuously. The area spreads over Barisal division, major parts of Khulna division, northern part of Rajshahi division and parts of Gazipur, Narsindi, Noakhali, Feni, Lakshmipur, Comilla and Habiganj district.

 

  1. Medium Lowland and Low land: Medium Lowland is normally flooded between 90cm. and 180cm. depth and low land is normally flood between 180cm. and 275 cm. depth during the monsoon season. The area spreads over major parts of Comilla, Brahmanbaria, Chandpur, Gopalgonj district and parts of Lahskmipur, Noakhali, Serajganj, Natore and Naogaon district, northern parts of Khulna and Bagherhat district, minor of Jessore, Kishorganj and Habiganj district.

 

  1. Very Low Land: The land consists of haors, bills, canals and other low lying areas which look like large lakes during the rainy season. The depth of water may rise as high as 30 feet. In winter, waters dry up except in the Centre. Most of the haors and bills lie in Sylhet division and in Kisoreganj and Netrokona district.

 

  1. Hilly Land: The land spreads over Rangamati, Bandarban and Khagrachari Hill Districts, parts of Chittagong, northern parts of Mymensingh, north and southern parts of Sylhet division, the eastern border of Comilla and north eastern strip of Feni district.

 

Bangladesh has a tropical monsoon climate characterized by wide seasonal variations in rainfall, high temperatures, and high humidity. Regional climatic differences in this flat country are  minor. Three seasons are generally recognized: a hot, muggy summer from March to June; a hot, humid and rainy monsoon season from June to November; and a warm-hot, dry winter from December to February. In general, maximum summer temperatures range between 38 and 41 °C (100.4 and 105.8 °F). April is the hottest month in most parts of the country. January is the coolest month when the average temperature for most of the country is 16–20 °C (61–68 °F) during the day and around 10 °C (50 °F) at night. The climate characterized by heavy seasonal rainfall, high temperatures, and high humidity. The rainfall ranges from 1500mm in the northwest to 5000mm in the northeast. The rainfall along with depth and duration of flooding is the main critical factor for agriculture in Bangladesh. The critical aspects of rainfall in relation to the use of land for agriculture are related to the uncertainty of the onset and departure of the monsoon as well as the occurrence of droughts[8].

 Map 1: Bangladesh Administrative Map

 


Map2: Bangladesh Land Type in terms of inundation


CHALLENGES IN AGRICULTURE OF BANGLADESH

 

The agriculture sector in Bangladesh is facing different challenges. The key challenges are:[9]

  1. Concentration of land in the hand of the absentee landowners: The rapid migration to urban areas and oversees and an inactive land market lead to increasing concentration of land in the hand of the absentee landowners. The large and middle farmers are increasingly leaving the farm in favor of non-farm activities in rural and urban areas and getting the land cultivated by agricultural laborers and marginal landowners with unviable tiny holdings.

 

  1. Agriculture is dominated by marginal, small and tenant farmers and scattered holdings

The agriculture of Bangladesh is dominated by marginal and small farmers; their proportions are more than 80% and operate 47.4% of the total operated land (Figure 3). 36.3% farmers are marginal farmers who operate only about 9.6% of the total operated land. At the other extreme, only 7.3% of all farmers are large farmers who operate about 31% of total operated land and 44.6% small farmers operate 37.8% of the land (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Distribution of operated land farm size groups: Rural Bangladesh

Source: Bangladesh Integrated Household Survey (BIHS) 2011-12, IFPRI

iii.        Pattern of tenure: Sharecropping is the dominant arrangement: The proportion of pure-tenant farmers is 34 percent in overall rural Bangladesh, that is, they do not own any cultivable land. About 37 percent of farmers at the national level cultivate only their own land. The proportion of mixed-tenant farmers—those who cultivate their own land and also take land in as sharecroppers and/or leaseholders—are 29 percent in entire rural Bangladesh (Figure 4.).

 

Figure 4: Land Tenure Patterns in Bangladesh

Source: Bangladesh Integrated Household Survey (BIHS) 2011-12, IFPRI

 

The dominant tenurial arrangement in Bangladesh is sharecropping, where the produce is shared between the cultivator and the landowner in different proportions that have been agreed upon prior to cultivation. At the national level about 40 percent of the farmers are sharecroppers. This group of sharecroppers includes those who do not own any cultivable land (that is, pure tenant), as well as those who own land and sharecrop other people’s land. About 13 percent of the farmers in overall rural Bangladesh have cash-lease arrangements, either as pure tenants or as those with their own land plus cash-leased land. The proportion of farmers with mixed-tenancy arrangements (operating sharecropped plus cash-leased land, either as pure tenants or landowners) is 10 percent at the national level (Figure 5).

Figure 5 : Mode of tenancy in rural Bangladesh 

Source: Bangladesh Integrated Household Survey (BIHS) 2011-12, IFPRI

Approximately one-half of all marginal farmers do not have any land lease arrangements; they cultivate only their own land. This is perhaps a manifestation of their risk aversion. For the marginal farmers who are pure tenants, the sharecropping arrangements represent an overwhelming majority—almost three-fourths of all pure-tenant farmers are sharecroppers. Only about 17% of the large farmers are pure tenants, and the majority of them opt for sharecropping as the mode of renting land. It is interesting to note that the majority of the large farmers supplement their own land with some form of sharecropping and/or cash leasing.[10]

  1. Exploitative rental arrangement and unfeasible agriculture for small and marginal farmers: The exploitative rental arrangements, the inability to mobilize savings and credit to finance working capital needs, and lack of information and knowledge may act as constraints to adoption of improved technologies and investment in agriculture. As individualistic production system, agriculture is becoming economically and technically unfeasible for increasingly large number of small and marginal farmers.[11]

 

  1. Farmers are not getting the fair price: Farmers continue to face large fluctuations in farm gate prices. The price of most farm produce remains low at harvest that helps market intermediaries and large farmers to mobilize most of the farm surplus.

 

  1. Declining crop-land:The natural resources, land and water and soil fertility, available for agricultural production has however been declining. It is reported that cultivated land has been declining by almost one percent per year due to its demand for increased habitation, industrial and commercial establishment, transport infrastructure, river erosion, and intrusion of saline water in the coastal areas. Therefore, the land available for crop production has been declining and the trend will continue.[12]

 

[1] Mahbub Hossain and Abdul Bayes, 2010, Rural Economy and Livelihoods, A.H.L. Development Publishing House, Dhaka

[2] Component may not add to total as some employed are working in more than one sector

[3] Bangladesh Economic Review 2012, June 2012, Ministry of Finance, Gov. of Bangladesh

[4] 6th Five Year Plan, FY2011‐FY2015, GED, Planning Commission, Government of Bangladesh, 2011

[5] Bangladesh Poverty Assessment: Assessing a Decade of Progress in Reducing Poverty 2000-2010, June 2013,  The World Bank Office Dhaka, www.worldbank.org.bd/bds

[6] 6th Five Year Plan, FY2011‐FY2015, GED, Planning Commission, Government of Bangladesh, 2011

[7] 2011 Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh

[8] S.M. Imamul Huq, Professor, Department of Soil, Water and Environment, University of Dhaka, and A.F.M. Manzurul Hoque, Senior Scientific Officer, Soil Resource Development Institute, Dhaka‐1215, Bangladesh.

 

[9] Compiled from findings of field interview, FGD and Sixth Five Year Planning, Government of Bangladesh and Bangladesh Integrated Household Survey 2010-11

[10] Source: Bangladesh Integrated Household Survey (BIHS) 2011-12, IFPRI

 

[11] 6th Five Year Plan, FY2011‐FY2015, GED, Planning Commission, Government of Bangladesh, 2011

[12] 6th Five Year Plan, FY2011‐FY2015, GED, Planning Commission, Government of Bangladesh, 2011

Tax System in Bangladesh: Efficiency and Fairness

Tax System in Bangladesh: Efficiency and Fairness

By Mohammad Shahid Ullah,  kn.shahid@gmail.com;  +8801-731802395

 1. TAX SYSTEM IN BANGLADESH

Bangladesh, as an emerging developing country, is committed to augmenting revenue and achieving fiscal discipline with a view to increasing self-reliance. The external environment influencing the tax performance of Bangladesh has changed remarkably as the country became increasingly integrated with the global economy during the 1990s (McCarten, 2005). In recent years, the Government of Bangladesh has initiated some administrative and policy reforms in the tax system. An improved tax administration in association with some pragmatic policy initiatives has resulted in a modest improvement in the tax-GDP ratio of late. However, the performance is still unsatisfactory as compared to other countries at a similar stage of economic development.

 

The narrow tax base, widespread exemptions, and administrative inefficiencies are the main factors behind low tax-to-GDP ratio in Bangladesh compared to the neighboring/comparator countries. This also implies that tax reforms over the last decades could not bring about significant changes in Bangladesh’s tax efficiency and productivity.

A modest uptick in revenue is apparent in recent years, NBR continues to be characterised by a weak policy framework, very limited administrative modernisation, a high degree of administrative fragmentation, significant human resource constraints and weak enforcement mechanisms. The most basic challenge has been the overall weakness of the policy framework, which is characterised by an enormous range of exemptions, incentives and special regimes. These range from the existence of simplified regimes associated with VAT, to significant scope within the law for tax officials and political elites to grant comparatively discretionary benefits. This directly undermines revenue collection, but equally complicates administration, undermines equity in the system and introduces significant scope for officials to exercise discretion in both policy and administration.

In Bangladesh tax revenue is the principal source of Government revenue. The rest of the revenue comes from non-tax sources like fees, charges, tolls etc. In the Financial Year (FY) 2014-15, total revenue was TK.182954 crore, of the total the share of tax revenue was  TK.155292 crore (84.88%) and non-tax revenue was TK. 27662 (15.12%).

 

1.2       Share of tax revenue

The share of tax revenue is more than four-fifth of total revenue. In Bangladesh out of total revenue, tax revenue consisted of 80.63 to 84.88 percent between FY 2005-06 and FY 2014-15 and the remaining came from non-tax sources. It has been observed that from FY 2011-12 to FY 2014-15, the share of tax revenue increased 80.96 to 84.88 and non-tax revenue decreased accordingly. The share of non-tax revenue was above 19% between FY 2005-06 and to FY 2011- 12, which decreased as 15.12% in FY 2014-15 (Figure 1.1).

Figure 1.1: Share of tax and non-tax revenue in total revenue, FY2006 – 2015

 

   Source: Bangladesh Economic Review 2014-15

 

1.2       Tax administration in Bangladesh

National Board of Revenue (NBR) is the central authority for tax administration in Bangladesh. Formulation of tax policy and its execution responsibilities are performed by the NBR under the Internal Resource Division of government of Bangladesh.

 

In FY 2012-13, NBR collected 81.07% of total revenue. Of the total tax revenue, NBR collected 96.36%.[1] NBR taxes mainly come from income and profit, value added tax (VAT), import duty, export duty, excise duty, supplementary duty and other taxes and duties. In contrast, non-NBR taxes consist of narcotics duty, motor vehicles tax, land tax and stamp (non-judicial).

Non-tax revenue is collected from dividend and profit, interest, administrative fees, penalty and forfeiture, services, rent and leasing, tolls and levies, non-commercial sale, defense, non-tax receipts, railway, post office department, T&T Board, and capital receipts.

 1.3       Tax Structure in Bangladesh

Table 1.1 and the Figure 1.2 clearly show that VAT is the major portion (36.98%) of tax in Bangladesh followed by income tax (35.61%). In terms of external and domestic sources, the domestic sources dominate in tax structure of Bangladesh (Figure 1.3).

Table -1.1: Tax Structure in Bangladesh, FY 2013-14

Import Duty VAT

at Import Level

SD

Import

level

Export

Duty

Sub

total

Excise

Duty

VAT

Local

SD

Local

Turn Over

Tax

Local

Sub

Total

Total

Indirect

Tax

Income

Tax

Other

Taxes

Duties

Total

Direct

Tax

 

Grand

Total

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
1354.82 15318.9 4344.43 26.46 33230.61 822.39 29252.11 13647.19 4.72 43726.41 76957.02 42915.5 640.31 43555.81 120512.83
11.24% 12.71% 3.60% 0.02% 27.57% 0.68% 24.27% 11.32% 0.004% 36.28% 63.86% 35.61% 0.53% 36.14% 100.0%

Source: Bangladesh Economic Review 2014-15

Figure1. 2: Composition of tax in FY 2013-14

Source: Bangladesh Economic Review 2014-15

 

Figure 1.3: Composition of taxes in terms of external (export & import) and local sources, FY 2013-14

Source: Bangladesh Economic Review 2014-15

1.4       Low performance of tax system- tax to GDP ratio is low 

The tax system of Bangladesh is characterized by low tax as a percentage of GDP. Though tax to GDP ratio has increased from 7.5% to 10.26% from FY 2006 to FY, in terms of revenue generation, the performance however has been rather disappointing with the tax/GDP ratio still standing just over 10% mark, one of the lowest in the world.

 

Table 1.2: Tax-to GDP Ratio, FY 2006 to 2015

FY 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-2009 2009-2010 2010-11 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14 2014-15
Tax-to GDP Ratio 7.50 7.14 7.64 7.88 8.02 8.63 9.12 9.74 9.69 10.26

Source: NBR Annual Report 2013 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2014-15

 

The tax resource collection in Bangladesh has been well below the level of most countries at a similar stage of economic and social development indicates the relative weakness of the tax system in Bangladesh relative to other countries in the region.  This below-par resource mobilization impeded economic growth and social development. Until recently, the collection of tax revenue in Bangladesh has been low averaging at about 10.2 percent of GDP until FY14 (Table 1.2).

 

Table 3: Tax Effort in South Asian Countries, Average 2010-2014 (As % of GDP)

Country Average Tax Revenue as % of GDP
Bangladesh 10.2
India 16.6
Nepal 14.4
Pakistan 10.6
Sri-Lanka 12.4

Source: Ministry of Finance of- Pakistan, Nepal, India. Central Bank of Sri Lanka, NBR Bangladesh, IMF World Economic Outlook

 

The narrow tax base, widespread exemptions, and administrative inefficiencies are the main factors behind low tax-to-GDP ratio in Bangladesh compared to the neighboring/comparator countries.[2]

 

1.5       Major Policy Reforms and Its impact

There is no major policy discussion about the tax law in Bangladesh.  The income tax legislation still dates to the Income Tax Ordinance 1984, promulgated under military rule. According to the Ordinance, there are seven heads of income on which tax is levied, including salaries, interest on securities, income from house property, agricultural income, income from business or profession, capital gains and income from other sources (Income Tax Manual Part-1, 2009).[3]

 

Historically, a number of efforts were made to strengthen tax revenue mobilization and improve the tax structure. In 1991 Bangladesh embarked on a major tax reform through the introduction of the VAT system. Simultaneously, significant reduction of import tariffs happened. Prior to these reforms, trade-based taxes dominated the tax structure in Bangladesh with customs duty alone accounting for about a third of tax revenue during the first two decades. [4]

 

Following the introduction of VAT in 1991, the share of VAT revenue increased substantially growing to 29% in the decade of 2004-14, while the share of customs duties declined to 10.8%. Though the base of the VAT system has been expanded, due to political expediency, numerous distortions were also introduced over time. Because of these problems, the VAT system underperformed considerably in terms of revenue generation compared with its potential. It is evident that a narrow tax base, widespread exemptions, and administrative inefficiencies are the main factors behind low tax-to-GDP ratio in Bangladesh compared to the neighboring/comparator countries. This also implies that tax reforms over the last decades could not bring about significant changes in Bangladesh’s tax efficiency and productivity.[5]

 

In recent years much simplification and rationalisation has been brought about in the process of taxation system. Complication in tax calculation has been reduced and above all, an attempt of attracting more taxpayers to the tax net has been made. Automation in tax collection mechanism has set in. Compliance with the standards and systems introduced by WCO has increased. The practice of honouring the taxpayers and recognising their contributions has got institutional shape in NBR. In the case of legislative reforms, new Value Added Tax and Supplementary Duty Act, 2012 has been enacted which will be effective from July 2016. A draft Direct Tax Code has been posted on the website and steps will be taken to get it passed by the Parliament by next year. In principle, there are plans for a comprehensive/maximum reduction in the rate of Import and Supplementary Duty in the budget for 2016-17 financial year which will eventually shift the burden of revenue collection to Individual and Corporate Tax along with Value Added Tax (VAT).[6]


  1. DISTRIBUTION OF TAX BURDEN AND PROGRESSIVITY

Taxes for which the tax-burden cannot be shifted or passed on are called Direct Taxes. This means that any person who directly pays such taxes to the government bears the burden of that particular tax. Indirect Tax on any good or service affects the rich and the poor alike. Unlike Indirect Taxes, Direct Taxes are linked to the tax-payer’s ability to pay, and hence are considered to be progressive.[7]

 

Direct Taxes comprise taxes from income tax and other taxes, sources of income tax can be classified on 7 categories, which are as follows:[8]

  1. Salaries
  2. Interest on securities
  3. Income from house property
  4. Income from agriculture
  5. Income from business or profession
  6. Capital gains
  7. Income from other sources.

 

 

Tax structure in Bangladesh-ratio of direct and indirect tax

The tax structure of Bangladesh is perceived to be regressive as it is heavily dependent on indirect tax; it is about 64% in 2014. The gap between direct and indirect tax has been reducing from 2005 as share of direct tax has been increasing (Figure 2.1).

 

 

Figure 2.1: Ratio of direct and indirect taxes in Bangladesh

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2015

2.1             DIRECT TAX

 

2.1.1         Individual and company tax rate

From FY 2015-16, or individuals other than female taxpayers, senior taxpayers of 65 years and above, retarded taxpayers and gazetted war-wounded freedom fighter, the individual tax rate shown in the following table 2.1.

 

Table 2.1: Individual Tax Rate

Total Income Tax rate
On first, Tk. 2 lakh 50 thousand of total income Nil
On next, Tk. 4 lakh of total income 10%
On next, Tk. 5 lakh of total income 15%
On next, Tk. 6 lakh of total income 20%
On next, Tk. 30 lakh of total income 25%
On the balance of total income 30%

Source: Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, Minister, Ministry of Finance, Budget Speech 2015-16

 

The threshold of taxable income for women and senior citizen aging 65 years and above is 3  lakh, for physically challenged person 3lakh 75 thousand, for war-wounded gazette freedom fighters 4 lakh 25 thousand. The minimum tax is 4 thousand taka. The company tax rate for FY 2015-16 is mentioned below (table 2.2).

 

Table 2.2: Company tax rate

Category Tax rate
Publicly Traded Company 25%
Non-Publicly Traded Company 35%
Publicly Traded-Bank, Insurance and Financial Institution(other than Merchant Bank) 40%
Non-Publicly Traded.-Bank, Insurance and Financial Institution 42.5%
Merchant Bank 37.5%
Cigarette Manufacturer both publicly traded and non-publicly traded company 45%
Mobile Phone: Publicly Traded Company 40%
Mobile Phone: Non- publicly Traded Company 45%
Dividend Income 20%
Minimum Turn Over Tax 0.30 percent (0.10 percent in first 3 assessment years of commencement of commercial production)
Income from poultry industry

 

·         On first, Tk. 10 lakh – 3 percent.

·         On next Tk. 20 lakh – 10 percent.

·         On the balance – 15 percent.

Poultry feed, dairy, mulberry, apiculture, horticulture, pisciculture etc. ·         On first, Tk. 10 lakh – 3 percent.

·         On next Tk. 20 lakh – 10 percent.

·         On the balance – 15 percent.

Shrimp/poultry/fish hatchery

 

·         On first, Tk. 10 lakh – 3 percent.

·         On next Tk. 20 lakh – 10 percent.

·         On the balance – 15 percent.

Source: Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, Minister, Ministry of Finance, Budget Speech 2015-16

 

2.1.2               Composition of tax payee

In Bangladesh, not only the tax-GDP ratio is low comparing with neighboring countries, less than 1% of the population pays income tax.[9] Only around 1.2 million individual and companies/organizations currently pay Income Tax.[10] According to NBR, in FY 2012-13, the total no. of tax payee was 2150672; of the total, salaried was 441440 (20.53%) and company tax payee was 57656 (2.68%); the others was 1651576 (76.79%) (Table 2.3).

 

Table 2.3: No. and composition of Tax payee

Category No. of tax payee %
Salaried 441440 20.53%
Company 57656 2.68%
Others 1651576 76.79%
Total 2150672 100.0%

Source: Annual report of NBR 2012-13

 

 

2.1.3               Components of Income tax

In the income tax structure withholding at source is a major component (54%), the payments through submission of return is only 10% (Figure 2.2).

 

Figure 2.2: Components of income tax in %, 2013

 

 

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13

 

The structure of tax withholding in Bangladesh is very old-fashioned and does not indicate proactive management of tax withholding agents. The withholding at sources is being applied recently, in the absence of a central data base, there is no way for the tax administration to follow up on additional tax payments and also administer the withholding agencies.

 

However, in FY12 the withholding at source has been extended to twelve new sources, which does indicate that the list is being reviewed and the NBR is looking for potential sources from where additional revenue may be generated. Some of these new items are Royalty of Technical Know-how fee, Rental Power Company, Newspaper, Magazines, Privately-owned TV Channels, etc.

 

Secondly, In most cases the NBR has relied on captive sources—using public offices (for contracts and supplies), financial institutions (withholding of interest and dividend income) and customs points (advance income tax from importers)–have been relied upon for collection of withholding tax.[11] There is a plan to set up a separate Taxes Zone for monitoring collection of Tax Deduction at Source (TDS).[12]

 

2.1.4               Corporate and personal income tax 

Collection of tax from company is a major source of government revenue from income tax; it was about 55% in 2012. It has been found that there was wide gap between corporate and personal income tax in 2007; which has been reducing from 2008 (Figure 2.3), the share of personal income tax has been increasing and reducing the corporate income tax.

 

Figure 2.3: Share of personal and corporate income tax in %, 2005-2013

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13

2.1.5   Wealth Tax

In Bangladesh, there is lack of systematic wealth taxes; there are provisions of imposing 10% surcharge on net wealth, the threshold is TK. 2 crore and 25 Lakh of the price of net wealth in 2015-16. The rate of surcharge is mentioned in the following table.

 

Table 2.4: Rate of surcharge on net wealth

Price of net wealth Rate of surcharge
Up to 2 crore 25 lakh NIL
2 crore 25 lakh to 10 crore 10%
10 crore to 20 crore 15%
20 crore to 30 crore 20%
Above 30 crore 25%

Source: NBR 2014

The current practice essentially increases the marginal tax rate by additional 10% and amounts to distorting the incentive to work or to increase tax avoidance. In FY 2012-13, only 5662 persons have shown their net wealth above 2 crore in their income tax return, which is very much unrealistic.[13] The wealthy household owners of Dhaka and Chittagong city are avoiding their taxes due to having surcharge system. There are provision of Property Tax in India and mostly all developed countries. In India, Property Tax to GDP ratio of 0.48 percent.[14] Imposing property tax, government of Bangladesh can collect additional 1000-2000 crore tax and it will have progressive effect on distribution of resources.[15]

The existing surcharge system also distorts investor incentives in favor of land holdings and stock market speculation when compared with real economic activities. Without taxation there will be an excess demand for land and real estate that can easily have a spiral effect on prices especially in a densely populated country like Bangladesh.[16]

 

NBR has a very narrow taxpayer base with only 1.3 million registered TIN holders and not all of them filing tax returns. The taxpayer base would need to expand rapidly with major registration drives. The Direct Tax Law/Codes are also outdated and would require fundamental changes based on the principle of universal taxation. The direct tax administration is also outdated, paper-based, and based on territorial/geographical administrative units. While withholding at sources has no central data base, there is no way for the tax administration to follow up on additional tax payments and also administer the withholding agencies. The combined effect of all these deficiencies is the very low tax efficiency and the very low direct/GDP ratio in Bangladesh.

  • Broadening of the taxpayers’ base. This will require monitoring of the ownership of all sizable physical and financial assets of taxpayers and determining the income generation out of those assets.
  • Broadening of the tax revenue sources from traditional dependence on taxing financial institutions and a few large non-financial corporations. Tax administration has the tendency to increase tax incidence on existing and complying taxpayers and not work hard on identifying the new taxpayers by gathering information from multiple sources. The so called “Black Money” is circulating in the domestic economy, it is the responsibility of the tax department to find their owners.
  • Focusing on income from service providers and self-employed (who are difficult to tax).
  • Treating all sources of income equally for the tax purpose without discrimination for the households. This would imply taxation of capital gains from land, real estate/housing, and stock market. Wealth accumulation in Bangladesh is primarily happening through accumulation of urban land and real estate, untaxed/low tax income of the rapidly growing RMG sector, and relatively low tax incidence on income through financial instruments. This must change. These anomalies are serious and must go.
  • The simplistic manner of imposing Wealth Tax in the form of an Income Tax surcharge of 10% must be abandoned and the NBR should move to develop a proper “Wealth Tax” or “Property Tax”. The current practice essentially increases the marginal tax rate by additional 10% and amounts to distorting the incentive to work or to increase tax avoidance. NBR has to build up its capacity for proper administration of property/wealth tax with proper study and identifying the right way to collect the tax, not simply by taxing the income tax in the form of a surcharge.


2.2    INDIRECT TAX

 

2.2.1   Value Added Tax (VAT)

The share of VAT is a highest in tax structure of Bangladesh, about 37% in 2014; the share of VAT has been increased about 35% to 39.44% within 2005 to 2010 (Table 2.5). Despite remaining highest position, VAT failed to maintain momentum and has been declining; it became 36.98% of total tax in 2014 due to increase of share from all direct sources (Figure 2.4).

 

Table 2.5: Share of VAT in Total Tax for the Period of 2005-2014
  2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Total Tax 29904.46 34002.43 37219.32 47435.66 52527.25 62042.16 79403.11 95058.99 109151.73 120512.83
VAT 10458.47 12358.17 13782.3 17671.36 20146.85 24468.05 30190.68 35777.43 41182.42 44571.01
VAT % of total tax 34.97 36.34 37.03 37.25 38.36 39.44 38.02 37.64 37.73 36.98

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2015

 

 

Figure 2.4: Share of VAT in total tax in %, FY2005-14

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2015

 

After replacing the sales tax, VAT introduced in 1991 as Value Added Tax Act, 1991 (Act No. 22 of 1991) from July 1991. Since then VAT remains the single-largest source of revenue for the Bangladesh government.

 

Under VAT Act 1991, a number of items enjoy exemption. Cottage industries are kept outside the VAT net.  In general VAT rate is 15%. Exported items and essential commodities are zero-rated to VAT. Some special sectors within the small industries category enjoy VAT exemptions and differential rates (truncated rates); these are 1.5%, 2%, 2.25%, 4%, 4.5%,, 5%, 5.5%, 6%, 7.5%, 9% and 10%.[17] Over the last two and half decades, the rules under the VAT Act 1991 has revised and amended from time to time through a number of Statutory Regulatory Orders (SROs).

 

A new Value Added Tax and Supplementary Duty Act, 2012 has been enacted which will be effective from July 2016.[18] The new Act proposes to bring significant changes in the earlier VAT rules and regulations. The new Act will cover three form of taxes – VAT, SD and TT.  As previous one, the new VAT was also one of the conditionalities of IMF’s Extended Credit Facility (ECF) program which is currently being carried out. The major changes under the new act are mentioned below.[19]

 

  • The new VAT and SD Act will have a broader coverage. VAT will now be applied to all sectors. Besides imports, production, trading and services, it will cover wider range of services including rendering of services and import of services, immovable property, lease, grant, license, permit, rights, facilities etc.

 

  • However VAT is not applied for certain good and services including supply or import of basic food for end consumption, prescribed supply or import of life-saving medicine, import of goods those are exempted or zero-rated, supply of the transportation of passengers by taxi, bus, mini-bus, or ferry, not being either transportation provided in a vehicle that is air conditioned; or a supply of a chartered tour of a kind ordinarily provided to tourists or other visitors, a supply of the health care and medical services, education and training, child care activities and residential care facilities for aged, indigent, infirm, or disabled persons who need permanent care services relating to social welfare activities, if these services are provided by a government entity or an approved charitable institutions, an import of goods exempted from taxes, by the Government by notification, in favor of an approved charitable institution, or to the state, an import of goods shipped or conveyed to Bangladesh for trans-shipment or conveyance to any other country, an import of goods made available free of charge by a foreign government or an international institution with a view to assisting the economic development of Bangladesh, as approved by the Board etc.

 

  • VAT registration thresholds have been changed, TK. 800,000. However, every person who carries on the economic activities of manufacturing any supplementary dutiable goods in Bangladesh; or provides supply of any supplementary dutiable service in Bangladesh shall be required to be registered.

 

  • Under new act VAT rate is 15%; truncated value base will be discontinued being termed as a ‘distortion under the present VAT system’.

 

  • Besides TT, all the entrepreneurs will be treated equally. The current broad based ‘exemption list’ has also been narrowed down significantly in the new Act.

 

Currently, Bangladesh VAT system is one of the most inefficient in the world with the lowest VAT productivity.  Only 60,000 firms pay VAT regularly out of nearly 700,000 companies; the number of firms that should pay value-added tax should be 3-6 lakh.[20]

 

NBR is preparing for a change under the modernization program with support from the World Bank, IMF and IFC. If successfully implemented, this reform strategy will pay dividend in terms of much higher revenue. The required increase in VAT revenue (including supplementary duty) in relation to GDP would still not be an easy task. In addition to complete reorganization and retraining of the VAT staff, and replacing most of the field level staff with new Revenue Officers, the transformation will require other major changes: (i) replacing tariff values on hundreds of products by their normal market prices; (ii) reducing the number of products subject to supplementary duty from 1,400 to something less than 200; (iii) eliminating the current practice of price approval on most items; and (iv) eliminating the excise type current account system for VAT payments and moving to proper return-based VAT administration.[21]

 

A study conducted by Nahida Faridy and Tapan K Sarker (2011 )using Household Income Expenditure Survey 2005 data found that Overall the VAT in Bangladesh is regressive. It also found that the VAT burden in the lowest income range is 6.92%, which is extremely high given the fact that the VAT burden of the highest-income group is only 4.56%. The average effective VAT rate is 6.01%, which is also higher than that of the highest fourth income groups’ people. This means higher-income groups are bearing less of the VAT burden than the lower-income groups.  Based on the findings, the study provides the following policy recommendations that could help design a better VAT system in Bangladesh. These are:[22]

 

  • VAT in Bangladesh could be made less regressive by making a distinction between luxury goods and necessity goods. The government could tax more heavily those goods that account for a greater share of expenditure of the better-off members of society.

 

  • Extensive exemptions cause distortion and induce elements of tax evasion in the tax system. However, some exemptions are unavoidable. Hence, VAT exemptions in Bangladesh should be limited only to basic health services, public transport, agriculture and agro-based industries and government education.

 

  • A reasonably high threshold can help reduce the regressivity of VAT. It can also reduce the burden borne by the lower-income groups and ensure the equity of VAT.

 

2.2.2   Excise duty

Table 2.6 shows that share of excise duty in total tax has been increasing; it was 0.48% in 2005 which increased 0.68% in 2014. It has been found that the share of excise duty consisted less than 0.5% within 2005 to 2009; the upward trend started from 2010 and reached above 0.7% in 2013 (Figure 2.5).

 

Table 2.6: Share of excise duty in total tax for the period of 2005-14

2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Total Tax 29904.46 34002.43 37219.32 47435.66 52527.25 62042.16 79403.11 95058.99 109151.73 120512.83
Excise tax 144.39 161.15 183.49 214.33 238.34 347.49 486.18 660.36 772.53 822.39
% of total tax 0.48 0.47 0.49 0.45 0.45 0.56 0.61 0.69 0.71 0.68

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2015

 

 

Figure 2.5: Excise duty as % of total tax

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2015

 


2.2.3   Trade Tax

The share of import and export based tax in total tax has been declining; it was 73.98% in 2005 and became 27.57% in 2014 (Table 2.7). The major declined happened from the FY 2009; in 2009 it was 68.84% which reduced to 36.83% (Figure).

 

Table 2.7: Share of import/export based tax in total tax, FY 2005-14

  2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Import duty 7912.13

(35.75%)

7825.43

(33.77%)

8154.76

(30.18%)

9601.42

(30.48%)

9371.23

(25.92%)

8997.12

(39.37%)

11566.05

(41.35%)

13268.07

(42.19%)

13227.55

(40.94%)

13540.82

(40.75%)

VAT at import level 12358.17

(55.86%)

13782.3

(59.48%)

17671.36

(65.39%)

20146.85

(63.95%)

24468.05

(67.67%)

10651.22

(46.61%)

12375.81

(44.25%)

13769.64

(43.79%)

14846.48

(45.95%)

15318.9

(46.10%)

Supplementary duty at import level 1853.48

(8.38%)

1563.42

(6.57%)

1196.63

(4.43%)

1753.85

(5.57%)

2318.24

(6.41%)

3203.13

(14.02%)

3998.71

(14.30%)

4368.9

(13.89%)

4205.01

(13.01%)

4344.43

(13.07%)

Export duty 0 0 0 0 0 0 28.71

(0.10%)

38.95

(0.12%)

33.47

(0.10%)

26.46

(0.08%)

Total import & export based taxes 22123.78 23171.15 27022.75 31502.12 36157.52 22851.47 27969.28 31445.56 32312.51 33230.61
Total T ax 29904.46 34002.43 37219.32 47435.66 52527.25 62042.16 79403.11 95058.99 109151.73 120512.83
% of total tax 73.98 68.15 72.60 66.41 68.84 36.83 35.22 33.08 29.60 27.57

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2015

 

Figure 2.6: Trade tax as% of total tax

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2015

 

The contribution of VAT is highest in total trade tax followed by import duty and supplementary duty, 46.1%, 40.75% and 13.07% respectively in 2014. Secondly, It has been found from 2009 the contribution of VAT has been declining rapidly; from 67.67% to 46.61%; it consisted around 46% in 2013 and 2014 (Figure 2.7).

 

Figure 2.7: Share of different taxes/duties in trade tax

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2015

 

Recent measures in import/export based tax

  • Existing import duty rates of 0%, 5%, 12% and 25% have been rationalized to 0%, 5%, 10% and 25%. That means duty rate for the import of intermediate goods has been reduced from 12% to 10%. Keeping the highest duty rate of 25 % unchanged import tariff for the import of capital machinery and ICT related equipment have been reduced from 3% to 2%.

 

  • Supplementary duty rates have been re-organised to10 different slabs. They are 10%. 20%, 30%, 45%, 60%, 100%, 150%, 250%, 350% and 500%. That means a new slab of 10% supplementary duty has been introduced. It is to be

mentioned here that the highest three slabs of supplementary duty structure (ie. 250%, 350% and 500%) are applicable  for the import of luxurious and health hazard commodities like tobacco products, alcohol and luxurious cars.

 

  • Existing specific duty at the rate of 1500 and 3000 taka per MT remain unchanged for the import of raw sugar and refined sugar.

 

  • Specific duty of billet/ingot has been increased to Tk. 3500/MT from Tk. 2500/MT, whereas the that of metable scrap at the rate of Tk.1500/MT remains unchanged. On the other hand, the specific duty of gold bullion and silver bullion remain unchanged at Tk.150 and Tk.6 per 11.664gm.

 

  • Regulatory duty at the rate of 5% on finished and luxurious items are decided to be continued for further one year.

 

  • In order to promote the use of renewable energy customs duty on the import of equipment for biogas plant

 and solar lamp has been reduced.

 

 

  • Import duty of more than 50 commodities that include raw materials of glass, ceramic, steel melting, printing, optical fibre has been reduced to lower duty rates.

 

Source: NBR, 2014


2.2.4               Turnover tax

The contribution of turnover tax in total tax is very few; consisted 6 to 4 crore Taka within the period of FY 2005 to 2014 (Table?). It has been found that the share of turn over tax has been declining over the period, 0.019% to 0.004% (Figure ? ). Turnover tax (TT) gives preferential provision to the small enterprises, which has annual turnover below Tk. 80 lakhs, to pay turnover tax at a lower rate of 3 per cent. Under ‘turnover tax’ provision, an entrepreneur has to keep minimum ledger accounting that could reduce his administrative cost.[23]

Table 9: Turn over tax (in crore taka) and % of total tax, FY 2005-2014
FY 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Total T ax 29904.46 34002.43 37219.32 47435.66 52527.25 62042.16 79403.11 95058.99 109151.73 120512.83
Turn Over Tax 5.71 5.77 6 5.12 4.91 4.67 3.63 3.45 3.68 4.72
% of total tax 0.019 0.017 0.016 0.011 0.009 0.008 0.005 0.004 0.003 0.004

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2015

 

Figure 2.8: Turn over tax as % of total tax, FY2005-14

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13 and Bangladesh Economic Review 2015

 

 

2.3       Gender Analysis of taxation

Gender implications of taxation policy are a critical concern in country like Bangladesh, where number of problems affects the women mostly. Unequal property ownership, wage discrimination, unequal distribution of power within the household- these need to be taken into account in designing taxation policies. These have been considered only in the tax-exemption threshold for individual taxpayers; in the other areas of taxation, there is no different rate for women and men. In the exemption threshold for individual tax payers, there is different rate for women and men. The proposed tax-exemption threshold for individual taxpayers has been declared from Tk. 2 lakh 20 thousand to Tk. 2 lakh 50 thousand; which is Tk. 2 lakh 75 thousand to Tk. 3 lakh respectively.

 

“Considering prevailing inflation, increased cost of living and to reduce tax burden for marginal taxpayers I propose to raise tax-exemption threshold for individual taxpayers from Tk. 2 lakh 20 thousand to Tk. 2 lakh 50 thousand. To empower women and integrate them more in the economic activities and to reduce tax burden for senior citizens, I would propose to increase tax exemption threshold for women and senior citizens, aging over 65 years from Tk. 2 lakh 75 thousand to Tk. 3 lakh”.

 

 – Budget Speech 2015-16, Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, Minister, Ministry of Finance, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, 4 June 12015).

 

Assessment of gender implications of taxation policies is not easy as literature available on gender implications of taxation is limited. It is difficult to get sex-disaggregated data on tax incidence; and the study on this topic is very rare.

 

 

  2.4     Public Perception

According to NBR survey (April 2013) through questionnaire with 1000 formal and 800 informal firms in a cross-sectional descriptive type study, where respondents were asked to give their opinion on 12 selected aspects of business operations and taxation matters on 5 point agreement – disagreement scale (1 being strongly disagree and 5 being strongly agree). Mean scores obtained against each of these attributes can be seen from the figure below. High scores were achieved for ‘every business should pay taxes irrespective of income or turnover’ (4.0), ‘tax rates for businesses such as yours are too high’ (3.9), ‘tax authorities are unfair’ (3.7) and ‘NBR officials are corrupt’ (3.7). Gender disaggregated data showed similar trend.[24]


  1. REVENUE SUFFICIENCY AND TAX LEAKAGES

 

 

3.1       Low tax effort

Bangladesh is a lowest tax effort country among the developing countries. According to a study[25] conducted by policy analysis unit of Bangladesh Bank found that Bangladesh as the lowest tax effort country in the sample[26], with an average tax effort index[27] of 0.493. This has important policy implications that Bangladesh and other countries having low tax effort (less than unity) are not utilizing their full capacity of tax revenue, and therefore, have the potential for financing budgetary imbalance through raising tax revenue. The tax effort index for both direct and indirect taxes is below 0.6, implying that Bangladesh has the potential for raising revenue collection from both direct and indirect taxes.

Table 3.1: Tax Effort in Bangladesh, 2000-2010

FY Direct Tax Effort Index Indirect Tax Effort Index
2000 0.614 0.468
2001 0.588 0.477
2002 0.612 0.504
2003 0.609 0.520
2004 0.560 0.540
2005 0.513 0.553
2008 0.573 0.589
2011 0.601 0.604

              Source: Tariq Saiful Islam, 2014[28]

In terms of tax buoyancy[29], Bangladesh ranks the second highest among the sample countries, with a tax buoyancy ratio 1.235, meaning that tax revenue is quite responsive to GDP and effort has been made to increase tax revenue over the period.[30]

Bangladesh tax effort is also low comparing with five Asian countries, viz., Indonesia, Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, and Sri Lanka each have an estimated tax effort index above unity implying the full utilization of their revenue potential. Among others, Pakistan, and Thailand have an average index greater than or equal to 0.9. Average tax effort for Bangladesh is 0.657. It may be noted that Bangladesh is ranked the lowest in terms of tax effort among the selected countries. Additionally, the tax effort for VAT is slightly higher than only one other country in the list, and it is higher than only two countries in the list for income tax. The comparator table also indicates that efficiency in collection of VAT is somewhat better than that of income tax. Tax efforts remain higher even among the comparator African countries.

 

Table 3.1: Tax Efforts in Selected Countries (for the most recent years)

Country Tax Efforts Income Tax Efforts VAT Efforts
Bangladesh 0.657 0.531 0.567
India 0.850 1.491 0.765
Pakistan 0.920 1.279 1.007
Sri Lanka 0.983 0.640 1.722
Nepal 0.668 0.522 0.729
Korea Republic 1.004 2.953 2.953
Philippines 1.040 1.324 0.743
Bhutan 0.690 1.066 0.687
China 1.015 0.923 1.170
Ghana 1.613 0.692 1.082
Kenya 1.309 1.886 1.394
Malaysia 0.848 1.104 0.614
Thailand 0.891 0.495 0.992
Vietnam 1.556 1.902 1.080

Source: Policy Research Institute, 2014

 

3.3       Potential tax payers are out of tax net

In Bangladesh, the potential tax payers are out of tax net; among them, the businessmen are highest.  According to NBR survey 2014, the 79% businessman is out of tax net.[31]

 

Besides, NBR identified potential 1 lakh 66 thousand 546 house owners and business house in urban areas are not paying taxes, NBR is taking initiative to file cases against these potential payee.[32]

 

 

3.4       Tax evasion and avoidance

Tax avoidance is the way to reduce tax through using the loopholes of law, while tax evasion does the same by violating the law. These have been taking place through understatement and concealment of taxable objects, property transfer, and so on. Tax evasion and tax incentive eliminate the 5 percentage points of tax GDP ratio which is about Tk. 400 billion (NBR2011).[33]

 

The absence of a participatory policy making process, lack of research into, and reform of, the tax system, short-term oriented and politically motivated tax policies, loopholes, anomalies and complexities of tax laws and policies are responsible for creating scope for tax evasion. Institutional weaknesses of the tax administration, lack of professional support for tax officials and inappropriate behavioural aspects of tax officials have undermined the efficiency of the tax policy implementation process, resulting in widespread tax evasion. During the compliance process, the absence of a tax culture among income earners, inadequate taxpayer service, complexities and unfairness in tax estimation, weak enforcement and the negative image of the tax department work as influential driving forces for tax non-compliance. The empirical findings also revealed that the corrupt nexus of self-interested policy makers, rent-seeking tax officials, self-utility maximiser taxpayers, including businesspeople, professionals, self-employed persons, and their intermediaries, tax agents, facilitates tax evasion.[34]

 

3.5        Illicit wealth or black-money is major portion of GDP; illicit wealth is out of tax net

The amount of unreported money is within 45 percent to 81 percent of gross domestic product in 2011 (MoF, 2011). Those who own the majority of the wealth and income of the country are still outside the network of taxation. According to both governmental surveys and the words of the Finance Minister, a large amount of the government’s money is unaccounted for. In economics or regular parlance, one would call this “black money.” A small part of this may be valid income, but because no tax has been paid on this for various reasons, it has now been listed as “undisclosed” income. One can be certain that the right epithet for this is “illicit” wealth, earned by theft, looting, corruption, fraud, aggression, and terror. This includes bribery, investment fraud, commissions, the expropriation of governmental or public property, extortion, the sharing of funds allocated for unfinished development projects, over- and under-voicing, and so forth. It is obvious that only the powerful can do this and that too with the support and encouragement of the administration. This is precisely why we keep hearing about the whitening of “black money” during the tenure of each government, but rarely see any effort to stop its source. It is because the administration and the owners of black money are the one and the same.[35]

 

3.6       Tax Exemption

Bangladesh, like other developing countries, provides various supports to major and emerging industries with a view to enhancing industrialization in the country. Tax exemption and concession related measures are provided under the directives of industrial policy, export/import policy, SME policy and fiscal policy of the country. Direct tax exemptions/incentive measures are: tax holiday, exemptions and deductions, tax rate reductions, deferrals, tax credits and others; on the other hand, indirect tax measures are: exemptions and deductions.[36]

 

According to Mortaza and Begum (2006), there were a total of 106 measures under direct (55 measures) and indirect taxes (51 measures) for providing various kinds of tax exemptions and cash incentives. Tax holiday facility is provided to newly set up firms, physical infrastructure, tourism etc.; whereas exemptions and deductions are applicable to enterprises located in EPZs, power generation companies, agriculture related industry etc.; on the other hand, concessionary rate is applicable to textile, jute industries and those who do not enjoy tax holiday facility.

 

SMEs in Bangladesh enjoy tax waiver in case of turnover for up to Tk.7 lakh and provide reduced taxes for turnover up to Tk.24 lakh at a rate of 2 per cent, up to Tk.60 lakh at a rate of 3 per cent and for above 70 lakh at a rate of 15 per cent. The amount of minimum package VAT applicable for small business has been increased from Tk 6,000 to Tk. 9,000 in the national budget FY13. Exemption of VAT includes products under the categories of food and agriculture, poultry, and agricultural inputs etc.[37]

 

 

 

In the national budget 2015-16, following exemptions have been provided.[38] 

  1. Tax exemption
  • A separate and reduced tax rate of 15% for co-operative society other than its income related to agriculture and cottage industry.
  • Reduce rate of tax for shrimp, poultry and fish hatchery
  • Special incentives packages are on the card to encourage investment in developing Bangladesh Economic Zone and Hi-Tech Park along with investment in these areas. In consideration of increasing demand for vehicles and to ensure supply using domestic workforce along with reducing foreign currency expenditure, tax holiday for automobile manufacturing sector as heavy industry.
  • Tax holiday for tyre manufacturing industry.
  • Exemption of taxes from the interest income on Wage Earners Development Bond, U.S Dollar Premium Bond, U.S Dollar Investment Bond, Euro Investment Bond, Euro Premium Bond, Pound Starling Investment Bond and Pound Starling Premium Bond.

 

  1. VAT exemption
  • Withdrawal of existing VAT levied at the rate 15 percent on the domestic production of “Nutrition Premix in Animal Food”.
  • Total exemption of existing VAT on the electricity bill against cold storage service.
  • With the progress of civilization, outbreaks of new types of diseases are being observed. Fatal viral diseases like hepatitis C are quite common in these days. The treatments for these diseases are very expensive. In order to reduce the medical expenses of the people of our country, exemption of VAT both at the domestic production and trade level against the medicines for acute liver related diseases.
  • Exemption of applicable VAT on the supply of broken iron pieces or iron scraps.
  • Though the custom duty is levied at the rate of zero percent at the import stage of PET Chips, a raw material of polyester yarn, the Advance Trade VAT at the rate of 4 percent is still there in the same stage. For the protection of domestic industry, there will be exemption of existing ATV in this sector.
  • Exclusion the „capitation grant allocated for both public and private orphanages from the VAT net.
  • Total withdrawal of VAT currently levied on photography industry.
  • Withdrawal of existing 15% VAT on Iron Oxide at the local manufacturing stage.
  • As a substitute to import, glass tube and energy saving bulb as well as the raw materials used to manufacture them has been exempted from the payment of VAT up to 30 June, 2015. This VAT exemption facility will be extended up to 2017 as an incentive for this industry.
  • Full exemption of existing VAT on the electricity bill of the relevant developers of the High Tech Park and on the procurement provider service of the relevant developers and investors of the same.
  • Withdrawal of existing 15 percent VAT on the manufacturing of plastic crystals through recycling of plastic waste.
  • Exemption of VAT on producing and supplying batteries up to the capacity of 60 ampere to the IDCOL registered solar panel manufacturers by the battery manufacturing industries.
  • Withdraw the existing trade VAT on local sales of jute products; withdraw the existing 15 percent VAT levied on the license issuance and license renewal fee of jute and jute products.
  • VAT exemption threshold on the export of sample medicines from Tk. 30 thousand to Tk. 1 lakh.

 

 

3.7       Illicit Financial Flows (IFS)

Illicit financial flows are cross-border transfer of funds that are illegally earned, transferred or utilized. It can be generated in a many different ways that are not revealed in national accounts or balance of payments figures. And it includes trade mispricing, bribery, money laundering, crimes, corruption, smuggling etc. Both companies and individuals can lead these illicit financial flows from one country to another. The outflow of capital is facilitated by a shadow international financial system, especially offshore financial centres, tax secrecy jurisdictions that is famously known as ‘tax havens’. [39]

 

The incidences of capital flight as well as the practice of disguising the origins of illegally-achieved money are high in Bangladesh. According to Global Finance Integrity (2001-2010), average illicit financial flow from Bangladesh was USD 1406 million and the cumulative amount is USD 14059 million for the period from 2001 to 2010. Bangladesh was top illicit capital out flower in the period of 1990-2008 with the amount of USD 34.8 billion. The position of Bangladesh is second among the South Asian countries and 44th among the 143 developing countries. Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka are ranked with 58, 94, and 105 positions consequently which states that the highest amount of money has been laundered from Bangladesh.[40]

 

The central bank of Switzerland, Swiss National Bank, disclosed recently in its annual report that ‘secret’ money from Bangladesh deposited in different Swiss banks rose by 62 percent year-on-year in 2013. The deposits, which stood at BDT 32.36 billion (US$415 million) at the end of 2013, were BDT 19.91 billion (US$255 million) in 2012, showed in the latest data of the Swiss National Bank. It means when the illicit financial flows from developed countries to Switzerland is declining at a record low rate, it is skyrocketing from Bangladesh. There are information of illicit financial flow from Bangladesh to Canada and Malaysia too. To settle in Malaysia under its ‘My Second Home (MM2H)’ programme, one needs to show liquid assets worth at least about BDT 122 million (US$ 0.16 million) and offshore income of about BDT 0.25 million (US$ 3,141) per month. Since the programme was launched (in 2002) till April 2014, some 25,500 people from across the world migrated to the country. Of them, 2,874 (11%) are from Bangladesh, according to the Malaysian government website This means, Bangladeshis laundered about BDT 35 billion (US$ 448 million) at least to have their second home in Malaysia and none was required to take approval from the authority in Bangladesh, as Malaysia does not inquire about the source of the money. Similarly, a citizen of Bangladesh can get residence permit in the US or Canada by showing liquid assets worth $500,000 (BDT 38.7million). Statistics are hard to come by, but reportedly hundreds of wealthy Bangladeshis have made these two countries their second home. Again, the US and Canada will not inquire where the money has come from, experts say.[41]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


  1. EFFETIVENESS OF THE TAX ADMINISTRATION

 

4.1    Tax gap analysis

The achieving targeted amount of taxes by NBR is satisfactory for the period of 2005-2013; in 2008, 2010, 2011 and 2012 collection of taxes exceeded the target. The rest of years, the achievement rate was mostly above 90% (Figure 4.1).

 

Figure 4.1: Tax collection rate in terms of actual target (in %)

      

 

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13

 

 

4.2    Cost of tax collection

According to NBR report 2012-13, the cost of tax collection has been reducing; the cost of collection for 100 Taka is 1.35 Taka. The cost of collecting direct tax is higher than indirect tax (Table 4.1)

 

Table 4.1: Cost of tax collection in 2012-13

  Cost of collection of TK.100
Cost of tax collection 1.35
Cost direct tax collection 0.58
Cost of indirect tax collection 1.09

Source: NBR Annual Report 2012-13

 

 

 

4.3    Inefficiency of NBR

Another important feature of Bangladesh’s tax systems is higher inefficiency, especially in tax administration. Among the South Asian countries, Bangladesh and Pakistan has one of the lowest efficiency score (Figure 4.3). Furthermore, no improvement was reported between 2009 and 2013.

 

Figure 4.3: CPIA efficiency of revenue mobilization rating (1=low to 6=high)

Source: WDI, World Bank Databank, http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IQ.CPA.REVN.XQ

 

 

NBR has maintained an outdated ‘control’ based system, which relies on the physical monitoring of taxpayers in order to enforce compliance. This is reflected, among other things, in extremely low levels of automation, and has allowed NBR officials to retain enormous discretion and, in turn, opportunities for collusion with, or extraction from, taxpayers. The discretion enjoyed by tax officials, as well as the overall inefficiency of data management within the NBR, has been exacerbated by a high degree of administrative fragmentation. Whereas there has been a trend across low-income countries towards greater integration across administrative units, the NBR remains divided into three highly autonomous divisions: direct tax, VAT and customs. The relative absence of data sharing across departments severely undermines administration, and opens space for collusion, arbitrariness and abuse, while fragmentation also creates additional costs for taxpayers. These challenges have been consistently underpinned by significant human resource constraints within the NBR.[42]
5.
        GOVERNMENT SPENDING

 

5.1              Sources of government income

 

Government income mostly (90%) depends on domestic sources; only 10% comes from foreign loan and grants. Tax and non-tax revenue is the main sources of government income; it is about 73% income source in the national budget 2015-16 (Figure 5.1), followed by domestic financing (19%) and foreign grant and loan. Borrowing from banking sources is the major source in domestic financing, which creates fiscal burden to pay interest on it.

 

Figure 5.1: Gov. Sources of Income, Budget 2015-16

 

 

Source: Budget in Brief 2015-16, Ministry of Finance, Gov. of Bangladesh, www.mofgov.bd

 

 

 

 

 

5.2                   Government expenditure-sectoral allocation of budget    20015-16

 

Public administration receives highest allocation (19.2%) in the national budget 2015-16, followed by interest payment (11.9%) and education (11.6%).

 

The allocation for interest payment is more than double than health sector allocation (4.3%) (Figure5.2).The allocation for health is less than defence budget (6.2%).

 

Figure 5.2: Components of gov. spending in %, Budget 2015-16

 

 

Source: Budget in Brief 2015-16, Ministry of Finance, Gov. of Bangladesh, www.mofgov.bd

 

 

 

Expenditure on education and healthcare

The allocation on social sector like education and health has been poor. Expenditures on education and health has remained either stable or declined in relation to GDP and certainly declined in relation to total budgetary expenditure. The allocation for education and health has been declined from 12.51% to 10.72% and 5.13% to 4.13% from 2012 to 2016 respectively.


Figure5.3: Spending for education and healthcare in % of total budget, FY11-2012 to 2015-2016

 

Source: Child Budget 2015-16, http://www.mof.gov.bd/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=322&Itemid=1

 

 

Figure 5.4: Expenditure for education and healthcare as % of GDP, FY11-2012 to 2015-2016

 

 

Source: Child Budget 2015-16, http://www.mof.gov.bd/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=322&Itemid=1

 

 

Government spending perpetuates inequality

It has been found that government spending on social sector programs has been declining in terms of total budget. In all major categories of social spending like education, health and social protection, there is steady decline in the level of spending relative to the total size of the budget. With spending on education and public health at about 2% of GDP and 0.7% of GDP, respectively, Bangladesh cannot expect to provide the quality of education and health care services that the citizen’s of a middle income country would need. It will not be able to develop the skill level of its rapidly growing labor force and transform the demographic dividend into real acceleration of GDP and income growth.

 

The current distribution of education spending is not progressive as its allocation is not pro-poor. Health facilities are not adequately funded, nor are the allocated funds effectively utilized. The allocation of resources is not pro-poor and this contributes, among other factors, to the wide disparities in health outcomes.[43]

 

The Budgetary allocations for the social protection programs are also low at 1.6% of GDP (excluding expenditure on pensions for government employees). Moreover, this modest sum is also being distributed through about 100 social protection programs managed by more than 20 ministries/agencies with virtually no coordination among the executing ministries/agencies.[44]

 

About one third of public expenditure is being used for public administration and interest payment; these are two major components of government expenditure in national budget 2015-16. Civil and military administrations are major beneficiary of public expenditure in Bangladesh. What are the outcomes of this expenditure on people’s life?  If people do not get quality services from government; why people will pay taxes?

 

There are four roles of any taxation: (i) it is a source of government revenue which is required to run any government; (ii) it provides finance for public services and investment (public goods), particularly at a time when the availability of finance for development (including overseas development assistance) is lean; (iii) it is a strategic tool for government to promote certain sectors with a view to support investment, economic growth and employment; and (iv) it is an instrument to ensure social and economic equity and justice. It is felt that the ongoing taxation reform agenda in Bangladesh is more biased towards the first two roles.[45]

 

The allocation for education and health has been reducing, major allocations are being provided to feed the civil and military bureaucrats and for payment of interests on loans of the last few years and the motives behind the loans is not the wellbeing of the people.[46] Secondly, the wealthy people are exempted from paying taxes due to not having wealth tax and other tax exemptions create and perpetuate social inequality in Bangladesh.

 

Most subsidies in the last few years have gone into the electricity sector. In 2012 this amount was Tk. 32,000 crores. 28,000 cores out of that was spent on Quick Rental Power Plants. The large capital needed to buy electricity at a higher price from Quick Rental and the import of oil came from loans. The burden of these loans has fallen on the people. This is why paying interests comprises the largest expenditure right after administration in this year’s budget. However, a one-time expense of Tk. 1,000 crores could have given us the same amount of electricity if we had spent it on the renewal, repair, maintenance, and reform of the energy sector. We would not have to pay subsidies and increase the amount of loans every year. Neither would we be bound to import extra oil. The economy would not be under added pressure. The allocations make it seem like the government is privileging the energy sector, but in reality, the increased expenditure is to ensure good business for a few preferred groups. The result of this is the cycle of debt as well as the hike in costs of both electricity and oil.

 

[1] Annual Report 2012-13, National Board of Revenue, www.nbr-bd.org

[2] Fiscal Management and Revenue Mobilization by Dr. Ahsan H. Mansur, Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh, Prepared as a background paper for the Seventh Five Year Plan

[3] Nashid Rizwana Monir, 2012, Political Economy of Corruption: The Case of Tax Evasion in Bangladesh, Monash University

[4] Fiscal Management and Revenue Mobilization by Dr. Ahsan H. Mansur, Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh, Prepared as a background paper for the Seventh Five Year Plan

[5] Fiscal Management and Revenue Mobilization by Dr. Ahsan H. Mansur, Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh, Prepared as a background paper for the Seventh Five Year Plan

[6] Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, Minister, Ministry of Finance, Budget Speech 2015-16

[7] Prashant Prakash, Property Taxes Across  G20 Countries: Can India Get it Right? 2013, CBGA and OXFAM India

[8] NBR, Income Tax at A Glance, http://www.nbr.gov.bd/Publications.php?lan=eng

 

[9] Nasir Uddin Ahmed, Chairman NBR, Government of Bangladesh, IGC Growth Week 2011, London School of Economics, Sept. 2011

[10] Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, Minister, Ministry of Finance, Budget Speech 2015-16

[11] Fiscal Management and Revenue Mobilization by Dr. Ahsan H. Mansur, Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh, Prepared as a background paper for the Seventh Five Year Plan

[12] Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, Minister, Ministry of Finance, Budget Speech 2015-16

[13] Prothomalo, 31 May 2014, http://www.prothom-alo.com/opinion/article/229474/

[14] Prashant Prakash, Property Taxes Across  G20 Countries: Can India Get it Right? 2013, CBGA and OXFAM India

[15] Binayak Sen, May 31, 2014, Wealth and Inequality,

[16] Ahsan H. Mansur and Mohammad Yunus, 2011, An Evaluation of the Tax System in Bangladesh, PRI, Dhaka

[17] Md. Zakir Hossain, 2015, Value Added Tax: Act, Rules and Usage, Dhupradi Publication, Dhaka

[18] Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, Minister, Ministry of Finance, Budget Speech 2015-16

[19] Towfiqul Islam Khan and Md. Zafar Sadique, 2014, VAT and SD Act 2012: Concerns and Implementation Challenges, CPD, Dhaka

[20] Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, Minister, Ministry of Finance, http://www.thedailystar.net/business/tax-evasion-irks-muhith-111646

[21] Dr. Ahsan H. Mansur, Fiscal Management and Revenue Mobilization, Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh, Prepared as a background paper for the Seventh Five Year Plan

[22] Nahida Faridy and Tapan K Sarker, Progressivity of VAT in developing country: empirical evidence from Bangladesh, Asia-Pacific Tax Bulletin, May/June 20111

[23] Towfiqul Islam Khan and Md. Zafar Sadique, 2014, Value Added Tax and Supplementary Duty Act 2012: Concerns and Implementation Challenges, CPD, Dhaka

[24] Survey Report on Tax Perception & Compliance of the Formal Sector and Perception of Taxation by the Informal Sector, April 2013, International Finance Corporation

[25] A Panel Study on Tax Effort and Tax Buoyancy with Special Reference to Bangladesh, Lutfunnahar Begum, Policy Analysis Unit Bangladesh Bank, Working Paper Series: WP0715, June 2007

[26] Bangladesh along with 10 other developing countries including 3 South Asian Countries, viz, Bangladesh, Bolivia, India, Indonesia, Jordan, Mongolia, Morocco, Nicaragua, Pakistan, Philipines and  Sri Lanka

[27] Tax effort has been used as an indicator of how much a country is utilizing its taxable capacity; If the value of the index is less than one, it means that the country is not utilizing its full revenue potential. Conversely, if the value of the index is greater than one, it implies that the country is collecting more taxes than would be predicted.

[28] Tariq Saiful Islam, 2012, Taxation and Future Economic Development of Bangladesh at Development Constraints and Realization edited by Mustafa K. Mujeri, UPL Dhaka

[29] The tax buoyancy provides such a dynamic index of tax performance, which measures the sensitivity and response of the tax system with respect to income/GDP.

[30] Dr. Ahsan H. Mansur, Fiscal Management and Revenue Mobilization, Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh, Prepared as a background paper for the Seventh Five Year Plan

[31] http://www.bonikbarta.com/printpage/preview/9248.html

[32] http://www.bonikbarta.com/2014-09-30/news/details/215.html

[33] Revenue Mobilization and Economic Growth, Bangladesh Economic Update, November 2013, Unnayan Onneshan, Dhaka

[34] Nahida Faridy and Tapan K Sarker, Progressivity of VAT in developing country: empirical evidence from Bangladesh, Asia-Pacific Tax Bulletin, May/June 20111

[35] Anu Muhammad, Who’s prospering on whose labor? http://alalodulal.org/2013/06/20/anu-muhammad-budget/

 

[36] Tax Policy and Enterprise Development in Bangladesh, CPD, Dhaka

[37] Tax Policy and Enterprise Development in Bangladesh, CPD, Dhaka

[38] Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, Minister, Ministry of Finance, Budget Speech 2015-16

[39] Whose money and whose interest? Illicit money flys off Bangladesh, EquityBD Position Paper, February 2014

[40] Revenue Mobilization and Economic Growth, Bangladesh Economic Update, November 2013, Unnayan Onneshan, Dhaka

[41] Whose money and whose interest? Illicit money flys off Bangladesh, EquityBD Position Paper, February 2014

 

[42] Mirza Hassan and Wilson Prichard, November 2013, The Political Economy of Tax Reform in Bangladesh: Political Settlements, Informal Institutions and the Negotiation of Reform, ICTD Working Paper 14

 

[43] Bangladesh Public Expenditure and Institutional Review, June 2010, World Bank

[44] Dr. Ahsan H. Mansur, Fiscal Management and Revenue Mobilization, Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh, Prepared as a background paper for the Seventh Five Year Plan

[45] Towfiqul Islam Khan and Md. Zafar Sadique, 2014, Value Added Tax and Supplementary Duty Act 2012: Concerns and Implementation Challenges, CPD, Dhaka

[46]

Promoting renewable energy in Bangladesh: Problems and Prospects

Promoting renewable energy in Bangladesh: Problems and Prospects

Mohammad Shahid Ullah

kn.shahid@gmail.com, 88-01731-802395

 1. CONTEXT

Low per capita energy consumption: Per capita consumption of energy in Bangladesh is on an average 160 kgoe (kilogram oil equivalent) while it is 530 kgoe in India, 510 kgoe in Pakistan, 340 kgoe in Nepal and 470 kgoe in Sri Lanka. The average consumption in Asia is 640 kgoe. It is evident that per capita average consumption of energy in Bangladesh is significantly lower than the average of Asia. Even it is lower than those of South Asian countries[1]. On top of this low level of consumption, there is already a serious energy crisis.

 Limited supply of primary energy :Shortage of power is a reflection of an even bigger challenge in terms of limited supply of primary energy. Bangladesh showed early promise in terms of having adequate sources of primary energy from natural gas and coal and to a limited extent from hydro-power. The optimism on gas extended to an extent that there was even a talk of exporting gas. Lack of adequate planning and investment in primary energy for a large number of years has caused a serious shortage of primary energy in Bangladesh. As a result, energy shortage has emerged as a binding constraint on growth in Bangladesh. The demand for gas will expand from 783 billion cubic feet (cft) in FY2009/10 to 1335 billion cft by the end of FY 2014/15. Regarding supply, at present only 730 BCF (Billion Cubic Feet) gas is being supplied[2]. As a result, there is already a shortage of gas. Unless steps are taken to extract more gas through more intense use of existing fields as well as new fields, a serious shortage of gas will emerge in the coming years.

 Low per capita electricity consumption: Bangladesh’s per capita electricity consumption is only 170 Kwh in FY10. Per capita

electricity consumption of electricity in Bangladesh is much lower than the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) as well as that in Pakistan and Sri Lanka[3].

 Access to electricity and demand supply gap for electricity: Around 53 per cent of Bangladesh’s population has access to grid electricity, with the rest depending on the costly kerosene and solar power. The country’s energy demand is actually growing annually at 14 per cent, and not as per government’s estimation of 7.0 per cent[4].

 The demand for electricity is increasing rapidly with the improvement of living standard, increase of agricultural production, development of industries as well as overall development of the country. Due to the failure in the last few years to increase electricity generation capacity proportionately to the demand, a serious supply shortage has emerged. Presently, the shortage is estimated between 1500-1800 Megawatts[5] (FY 2010).

 Rental power has imposed tremendous fiscal pressure: Due to the severity of the power crisis, the Government has been forced to enter into contractual agreements for high-cost, temporary solutions, such as rental power and small IPPs, on an emergency basis, much of it diesel or liquid-fuel based. This has imposed tremendous fiscal pressure, as budgetary transfers are routinely made to the power sector in order to enable it to stay current on payments to power suppliers[6].

 2. POLICY, PLAN AND STRATEGY

There is a draft National Energy Policy 2006, yet not finalized. The vision and mission statement of government energy sector are mentioned below[7].

 Vision: To achieve energy security for the country through supply of sustainable energy services for all at affordable prices and exploit mineral resources in an environmentally sustainable manner.

 Mission: To ensure energy security of the country the steps that will be taken are as follows –

  • Formulate a comprehensive and integrated energy plan over short, medium, and long term.
  • Optimize the recovery from the existing gas fields through accelerated appraisal and development of wells.
  • Put all out efforts to convert known probable and possible reserves into proven ones and also to convert delineated gas resources     into reserves;
  • Strengthen exploration activities in both onshore and offshore area to find new discovery and to attract IOCs under Production Sharing Contract (PSC) to explore offshore area;
  • Develop transmission and distribution network for evacuation of gas from gas fields;
  • Make energy sector efficient through introduction of improved management techniques;
  • Implement measures in a phased manner to increase energy efficiency;
  • Strengthening of Research and Development activities and operational capabilities of National Companies;
  • Strengthen the exploration activities for coal and other mineral resources keeping in view the socio-economic and environmental   considerations;
  • Develop the discovered coal fields and optimum utilization of these resources;
  • Increase the use of LPG to reduce the dependency on natural gas and also to reduce deforestation;
  • Import of natural gas in the form of LNG to meet up increasing energy demand;
  • As part of fuel diversification strategy, import of required quantity of liquid petroleum products and increase their storage capacity;
  • Harness new and renewable sources of energy and strengthen Regional Energy Cooperation to meet increasing energy demand.

Key Elements of the Energy Strategy in the Sixth Plan : The key specific issues, objectives, options and strategies of the energy sector that will be addressed in the Sixth Plan can be summarized as follows[8].

Issues

Core Objectives

Energy Options

Specific Strategies

• Inadequacy of supply of electricity compared to demand.

• Outdated generation, transmission and distribution system of electricity.

• Need for rationalization of energy and power prices.

• Insufficient maintenance funds.

• Large dependence on single source of energy for electricity generation i.e. gas.

• Minimum participation of private sector in electricity generation.

• Inefficient transmission and distribution lines

• Inefficient management in electricity generation, transmission, distribution and sale.

• Insufficient exploration activities for oil and gas both onshore and offshore.

• Insufficient exploration activities for coal and other minerals in the country.

• Need for decision on coal extraction method.

• Insufficient refining as well as storage capacity of liquid fuel.

• Limited use of renewable energy.

• Inadequate public and private investment both in electricity generation as well as in oil and

gas sector.

• Use of PPP model to plug or significantly reduce resource gap.

• Inadequate primary energy supply chain.

• Lack of public awareness.

• To ensure energy security.

• To make the power sector financially viable.

• To increase generation capacity of electricity.

• To introduce a new corporate culture in the power sector entities.

• To improve the reliability and quality of electricity supply.

• To increase the efficiency of energy use as well as reducing system loss.

• To diversify fuel use in power generation i.e. coal, liquid fuel, etc.

• To make the power sector more efficient in terms of generation, transmission and

• To increase private sector participation in the form of public-private (national) – private

(international)/private (national/international) to mobilize resources in electricity, gas and

other energy supply.

• To reduce demand-supply gap both in primary (fossil fuel) and secondary (electricity)

• To conserve both power and energy.

• To intensify exploration activities both in onshore and offshore area to find new oil and

gas fields.

• To introduce ‘Energy Manager’ in energy consuming industries and ‘energy auditing

system’ with a view to optimizing energy use.

• To introduce labeling system with a view to ensuring the use of energy efficient

• To appraise the producing gas fields.

• To raise price of gas, liquid fuel and electricity step by step compatible with international

• To encourage energy trade including energy cooperation with neighbors

• To develop facilities to enable import of LNG.

• To develop coal fields thereby reducing dependency on natural gas.

• To finalize the coal policy.

• To finalize the coal extraction plan.

• To intensify exploration activities for coal and other minerals especially in the northwestern

part of the country.

• To increase use of renewable energy by 5% of electricity demand by the Plan period.

• To consider gender dimension in policies, programs/projects in the energy sector.

• Establish Coal-based power plants using domestic and imported coal;

• Installation of Nuclear Power Plant at Rooppur;

• Finding new oil and gas fields in both offshore and onshore through extensive exploration;

• Huge investment in projects in electricity generation and transmission as well as in oil and

gas exploration through Public-Private Partnership Projects;

• Participation of local investors in the power sector;

• Import of LNG;

• Engage in energy trade including grid connectivity for power with neighbors

• Development of coal fields;

• Increase refining as well as storage capacity of liquid fuel;

• Develop renewable energy sources.

• Increase of power generation to reduce demand-supply gap through public-private

partnerships and through power imports from neighbors.

• Energy savings through demand side management i.e. shop closing times, staggering

holiday in industries and shopping complex, replacing ‘incandescent lamp’ by CFL and

reducing ‘air conditioning’ load;

• Diversification of fuel use in electricity generation i.e. coal, liquid fuel, etc as well as utilization of natural gas to produce fertilizer;

• Provision for dual fuel in electricity generation wherever possible;

• Mobilization of funds for electricity generation projects through private sector

participation in the form of public-private/private (national)– private (international)/private

(national/international);

• Provision for cheap imports of machineries for power plants as per the Industrial Policy

2010

• Provision for fiscal incentives for setting up new power plants as per the Industrial Policy 2010

• Provision for incentives for FDI into the power sector as per the Industrial Policy 2010

• Reform energy sector to reduce cost and improve service delivery;

• Adjust prices of electricity, gas and liquid fuel step by step to make them compatible with

international prices;

• Reducing system loss.

• Intensification of exploration activities for finding new oil, gas and coal fields;

• Import of LNG to supplement the own natural gas resources;

• Development of coal mines;

• Finalize coal policy;

• Finalize coal extraction plan;

• Installation of Nuclear fuel based Power Plant;

• Install solar panel in public and private buildings where applicable in view of harnessing solar energy;

• Increase use of renewable energy by 5% of electricity demand by the Plan period.

• Building public awareness through publicity in electronic and print media and introduce this issue in the Curriculum.

• Encourage women participation in the energy sector

 

 

 

  1. POWER SECTOR

Vision: To provide access to affordable and reliable electricity to all by the year 2021.

Mission: Ensure uninterrupted and quality power supply for all by 2021 through improvement in generation, transmission and distribution systems.

 STRATEGY FOR POWER GENERATION

Public Private Partnership will be the driving initiative: The power and basic energy needs of Bangladesh are huge. They will require huge investments that will well exceed the ability of the public sector. On the other hand there are plenty of untapped resources in the domestic and foreign private sector for financing power investments in Bangladesh. Accordingly, the main driving force for the power sector would be the Public Private Partnership (PPP) initiative. Power sector is characterized by time consuming nature of raising fund and requirement of large scale initial investments. To address these concerns, the Independent Power Producer (IPP) policy was formulated in 1996. Private sector has been drawn in to the power generation through IPP, SIPP, Rental, Quick Rental and Joint Venture policies under the PPP framework. Under the yearly power generation plan, Government has taken initiatives to produce 2166 MW by FY11, 1178 MW by FY12, 3176 MW by FY13, 2333 MW by FY14 and 2410 MW by FY15.

Plan up to 2016[9]

The power sector is almost dependent on natural-gas fired generation (89.22%), the country is confronting a simultaneous shortage of natural gas and electricity. Nearly 400-800 MW of power could not be availed from the power plants due to shortage of gas supply. Other fuels for generating low-cost, base-load energy, such as coal, or renewable source like hydropower, are not readily available and Government has no option but to go for fuel diversity option for power generation. When the present Government assumed the charge, the power generation was 3200 – 3400 MW against national demand of 5200 MW. In the election manifesto, government had declared specific power generation commitment of 5000 MW by 2011 and 7000 MW by 2013.

To achieve this commitment, in spite of the major deterrents energy crisis and gas supply shortage, government has taken several initiatives to generate 6000 MW by 2011, 10,000 MW by 2013 and 15,000 MW by 2016, which are far beyond the commitment in the election manifesto. 2944 MW of power (as of Jan, 2012) has already been added to the grid within three years time. The government has already developed Power system Master Plan 2010. According to the Master Plan the forecasted demand would be 19,000 MW in 2021 and 34,000 MW in 2030. To meet this demand the generation capacity should be 39,000 MW in 2030. The plan suggested to go for fuel-mixed option, which should be domestic coal 30%, imported coal 20 %, natural gas (including LNG) 25%, liquid fuel 5%, nuclear, renewable energy and power import 20%.

 In line with the Power system Master Plan 2010, an interim generation plan up to 2016 has been prepared, which is as follows:

 Plants Commissioned During 2009 – 2011

YEAR

2009 (MW)

2010 (MW)

2011 (MW)

TOTAL (MW)

Public

 

255

800

1055

Private

356

270

125

751

Q. Rental

 

250

838

1088

Total

356

775

1763

2894

 ·        In 2011, 1763 MW commissioned against plan for 2194 MW;

 Calendar Year Wise Projects Completion (From 2012 to 2016)    In MW

YEAR

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

TOTAL

Public

632

1467

1660

1410

750

5919

Private

1354

1372

1637

772

1600

6735

Power Import

 

500

 

 

 

500

Total

1986

3339

3297

2182

2350

13,000

 Government has taken short, medium and long term plan. Under the short term plan, Quick Rental Power Plants will be installed using liquid fuels/gas and capable to produce electricity within 12-24 months. Nearly 1753 MW is planned to be generated from rental and quick rental power plants. Under the medium term plan, initiatives have been taken to set up power plants with a total generation capacity of 7919 MW that is implementable within 3 to 5 years time. The plants are mainly coal based, some are gas and oil based. In the long term plan, some big coal fired plants will be set up, one will be in Khulna South and other will be in Chittagong, each of having the capacity of 1300 MW. Some 300-450 MW plants will be set up in Bibiana, Meghnaghat, Ashugonj, Sirangonj and in Ghorashal. If the implementation of the plan goes smoothly, it will be possible to minimize the demand-supply gap at the end of 2012.

 Government has already started implementation of the plan. Total 31,355 Million-kilowatt hour (MkWh) net energy was generated during 2010-11. Public sector power plant generated 47% while private sector generated 53% of total net generation. The share of gas, hydro, coal and oil based energy generation was 82.12%, 2.78%, 2.49% and 12.61% respectively. On the other hand, in FY 2009-10, 29,247 million-kilowatt hour (MkWh) net energy was generated i.e. electricity growth rate in FY 2011 was 7.21% (In FY 2012 (Jul-Dec, 2011) is 13.2%).

 Milestone of Electricity in Bangladesh[10]

Year

Description

1948

Electricity Directorate created in order to plan and develop power supply situation of the country.

1959

Ashuganj Power Station (724MW), the second largest power station in Bangladesh, established with the financial assistance of German Government.

1960

Electricity Directorate was merged with Water and Power Development Authority.

1966

Ashuganj Power Station (724MW), the second largest power station in Bangladesh, established with the financial assistance of German Government.

1972

WAPDA was bifurcated into two autonomous Boards under an Ordinance (P.O. 59 of 1972).

1972-73

 

A rehabilitation and development programme was undertaken in the First Five Year Plan

1972

Bangladesh Power Development Board, established as the authority for planning, construction and

operation of power generation and transmission facilities throughout Bangladesh and for distribution in urban areas except metropolitan city of Dhaka and its adjoining area.

October

1977

The Bangladesh Rural Electrification (RE) Program was founded with a Presidential Ordinance that

established the Rural Electrification Board (REB) as the semi-autonomous government agency reporting to the Ministry of Power Energy and Minerals Resources. This marked the start of Power sector reforms.

Early 1978

REB started functioning and conceived 1st project containing 13 Palli Bidyut Samities (PBS)

1991

Dhaka Electricity State Authority created.

1993

A high power inter-ministerial Committee on ‘Power Sector Reform` was constituted in 1993.

1995

Power Cell, created under Ministry of Energy & Mineral Resources in 1995 to drive power sector reforms and to promote private power development.

1996

Power generation and distribution was opened to both local and foreign private investments with the

formulation of “The Private Sector Power Generation Policy” in 1996.

1996

The National Energy Policy adopted in 1996.

November 1996

 

Dhaka Electric Supply Company Limited (DESCO) was incorporated in November 1996 with ultimate objective of taking over all assets from DESA.

November 21

1996 Power Grid Company Limited of Bangladesh (PGCB) was incorporated on 21 November 1996 to take over entire transmission assets of BPDB and DESA by December 2002.

March 25, 1998

Power Division was established in 1998 under the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources vide Cabinet Division Notification No. CD-4/1/94-Rules/23(100), dated 25 March 1998

1998

 

Dhaka Electric Supply Authority (DESA) under the DESA Act as amended in 1998 was restructured into a corporate body with an independent Board of Directors.

September 1, 1998

DESCO commenced commercial operation from 1 September 1998 by taking over Mirpur area from

1998

GOB approved “Policy Guideline for Small Power Plant (SPP) in Private Sector” in 1998

June 2000

 

Vision Statement and Policy Statement on Power Sector Reforms released.

December 2002

Transmission assets of DESA (other than those that form integral part of DESA operation) handed over to PGCB.

March 10, 2003

Integrated bill cleared by the parliament on 10 March 2003 which led to the formulation of Bangladesh Electricity Regulatory Commission.

April 2004

Regulatory Commission was established and started functioning.

December 31, 2003

PGCB completed taking over of all the transmission assets and operating them.

January 2004

GOB approved conversion of BPDB into a holding company.

October 2006

PGCB was listed on October’ 2006 at Dhaka Stock Exchange (DSE) and Chittagong Stock Exchange (CSE).

2006

BERC enacted the Licensing regulation for generation.

 4. RENEWABLE ENERGY

Power generation in Bangladesh was mono-fuel dependent, i.e. indigenous natural gas. About 89% of generated power comes from natural gas and the rest is from liquid fuel, coal and hydropower. The present share of renewable energy is only 0.5%. Under the existing generation scenario renewable energy has a very small share to the total generation[11]. On the other side, the natural resources are limited and are being exhausted at such an alarming rate, it is feared that natural gas, which is the main energy source of Bangladesh will be depleted by the year 2020[12].

 Renew-able energy can be the solution to this problem as the climate and infrastructure of the country is very much favorable for harnessing renewable energy. To address these problems, government approved Renewable Energy Policy (REP) in 2008.

 Potentials of renewable energy

The major sources of renewable energy identified in REP are Solar, Solar photovoltaic, Solar Thermal Power/Concentrating Solar Power (CSP), Wind Energy, Biomass, and Hydro. Other renewable energy sources include bio-fuels, gasohol, geothermal, river current, wave and tidal energy. Potentialities of these sources are yet to be explored.

 According to Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources, Bangladesh is hoped to have enormous potentiality in renewable energy development. Some of the areas like solar PV, the potential of development is already proven. Bangladesh has fitting geographical condition for solar power. Bangladesh receives an average daily solar radiation of 4-6.5 kWh/m2. According to a survey, there is an existing market size of 1 million households for Solar Home Systems (SHS) on a fee-for-service basis in the off-grid areas of Bangladesh. At present the national grid is serving only 50% of the nearly 10,000 rural markets and commercial centres in the country which are excellent market for centralized solar photovoltaic plants.

 Bangladesh has strong potential for biomass gasification based electricity. More common biomass resources available in the country are rice husk, crop residue, wood, jute stick, animal waste, municipal waste, sugarcane bagasse etc. Exploration of these resources for electricity generation is still at preliminary stage.Potentials for utilizing biogas technologies derived mainly from animal, kitchen and municipal wastes may be one of the promising renewable energy resources for Bangladesh.

 Micro hydro and mini hydro have limited potential in Bangladesh with exception of Chittagong Hill Tracts. Hydropower assessments have identified some possible sites from 10 kW to 5 MW implementation of which is still at large.

 Table -1: Potentials of Renewable Energy in Bangladesh

 Resources

Potential

Entities Involved

Solar

Enormous

Public and Private sector

Wind

Resource mapping required

Public sector / PPP

Hydro

Limited potential for micro or mini hydro
(max. 5 MW).
Est. hydro potential: approx. 500 MW

Mainly public entities

Domestic Biogas System

8.6 Million Cubic Meter of Biogas

Public and Private sector

Rice Husk based Biomass gasification Power Plant

300 MW considering 2 kg of husk consumption
per kWh

Mainly private sector

Cattle waste based Biogas power plants

350 MW considering 0.752 m3 of biogas consumption per kWh.

Mainly private sector

Source: Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources, http://www.powerdivision.gov.bd/user/brec/51/92

 Hydro: The Karnafuly Hydro Power Station is the only hydropower plant in the country (located at kaptai, about 50 km from the port city of Chittagong), having a capacity of 230 MW by 5 units. It is operated by BPDB (Bangladesh Power Develop-ment Board). BPDB is considering the increase of production up to 330MW. Two sites have been chosen for another two Hydro power plants at the Sangu and Matamuhuri rivers, one named The Sangu project (140MW) and the other The Mata-muhuri Project (75MW). The Water Development Board (BWDB) and Power Develop-ment Board (BPDB) carried out a joint study on Micro-Hydro power potential in the country.

 Table 2: Potential small hydro sites

District

River/Chara/Stream

Potential of Electrical ener-gy in kW

Chittagong

1.Foy’s Lake

4

Chittagong

2.Choto Kumira

15

Chittagong

3.Hinguli Chara

12

Chittagong Hill Tracts

4.Sealock

81

Chittagong

5.LungiChara

10

Chittagong

6.Budiachara

10

Sylhet

7.Nikhari Chara

26

Sylhet

8. MadhabCha-ra1500ft. from fall

78

Sylhet

9.Ranga pani gung

616

Jamalpur

10. Bhugai-Kongsa at 2 miles U/S. of Nalita-bari P.S.

69kw for 10 months

48 kw for 2 months

Jamalpur

11. Marisi at Duka-bad near Jhinaigati Thana Head Quarter

35Kw for 10 months 20 kw for 2 months

Dinajpur

12. Dahuk at Burabari

24

 

13. Chawai at U/S. of Chawai L.L.P

32

 

14. Talam at U/S. of Talam L.L.P

24

 

15. Pathraj at Fulbari

32

 

16. Tangon at D/S of Nargun L.L.P

48

 

17. Punarbhaba at Singraban

11

Rangpur

 

 

 

18. Buri Khora Chikli at Nizbari

32

 

19. Fulkumar at Rai-ganj Bazar.

48

 Geo-thermal:The northern part of the country has good potential for geothermal exploration. Also there is a hot salt water spring known as Labanakhya at Sita-kunda (40 kilometer from chittagong) which has the possibility to be an excellent location for the extraction of geothermal energy, and so further investigation is required to fully eva-luate its potential. Recently, the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources has approved the establishment of the first ever geothermal power plant (200MW) in the country. A Dhaka based private company named Anglo MGH Energy has initiated this project at Salandar of Thakurgaon district. The Rangpur saddle, Bogra shelf potentially offers good conditions for geothermal power projects. Although the cost of setting up a geothermal power plant is high due to the high cost of drilling wells, it can be reduced by using the abandoned onshore dry wells which have sufficient high temperature gradient (like over 30K/km). Geothermal energy can provide a suitable energy solution for Bangladesh as it is green, indigenous, abundant, continuously available and independent of climate changes[13].

 Key Features of Renewable Energy Policy 2008

Renewable Energy Policy has been approved in 2008. Through this policy the government is committed to facilitate both public and private sector investment in renewable energy projects to substitute indigenous non- renewable energy supplies and scale up contributions of existing renewable energy based electricity productions.

The Policy envisions 5% of total generation from renewable sources by 2015 and 10% of the same by 2020.  The policy have 8 section, these are:

    1. Introduction
    2. Objectives
    3. Institutional Arrangements
    4. Resource, Technology and Program Development
    5. Investment and Fiscal Incentives
    6. Regulatory Policy
    7. Right to Interpretation
    8. Glossary of Abbreviations/ Acronyms/ Terms

 The objectives of renewable energy policy are to:

(i) Harness the potential of renewable energy resources and dissemination of renewable energy technologies in rural, peri-urban and urban areas;

(ii) Enable, encourage and facilitate both public and private sector investment in renewable energy projects;

(iii) Develop sustainable energy supplies to substitute indigenous non-renewable energy supplies;

(iv) Scale up contributions of renewable energy to electricity production;

(v) Scale up contributions of renewable energy both to electricity and to heat energy;

vi) Promote appropriate, efficient and environment friendly use of renewable energy;

(vii) Train; facilitate the use of renewable energy at every level of energy usage.

(viii) Create enabling environment and legal support to encourage the use of renewable energy.

(ix) Promote development of local technology in the field of renewable energy.

(x) Promote clean energy for CDM; and

(xi) Achieve the targets for developing renewable energy resources to meet five percent of the total power demand by 2015 and ten percent by 2020.

 According to the policy, an institution, Sustainable Energy Development Agency (SEDA), shall be established under the Companies Act, 1994, as a focal point for sustainable energy development and promotion, ‘sustainable energy’ comprising renewable energy and energy efficiency. SEDA Board will comprise of representatives of stakeholders including business community, academics and/or representative from Bangladesh Solar Energy Society, NGOs, financial institutions and implementing agencies.

 The investment and fiscal incentives under the policy are:

  1. Existing renewable energy financing facility shall be expanded that is capable of accessing public, private, donor, carbon emission trading (CDM) and carbon funds and providing financing for renewable energy investments.
  2. To prompt renewable energy in power sector, all renewable energy equipments and related raw materials in producing renewable energy equipments will be exempted from charging 15% VAT. SEDA or power division of the MPEMR or its assignee until SEDA is formed, will fix up the acceptable mechanism to reach the benefits of tax exemption to end users in consultation with NBR.
  3. In addition to commercial lending, a network of micro-credit support system will be established especially in rural and remote areas to provide financial support for purchases of renewable energy equipment.
  4. Power Division of MPEMR will facilitate investment in renewable energy and energy efficiency projects. SEDA, in co-operation with local government offices, will set up an outreach program to develop renewable energy programs.
  5. SEDA will consider providing subsidies to utilities for installation of solar, wind, biomass or any other renewable/clean energy projects.
  6. Private sector participation including joint venture initiatives in renewable energy development will be encouraged and promoted. Power Division of MPEMR/SEDA may assist in locating the project(s) and also assist in acquiring land for renewable energy project(s).
  7. Renewable energy project investors both in public and private sectors shall be exempted from corporate income tax for a period of 5 years from the date of notification of this policy in the official gazette and it will be extended periodically following impact assessment of tax exemption on renewable energy.
  8. An incentive tariff may be considered for electricity generated from renewable energy sources which may be 10% higher than the highest purchase price of electricity by the utility from private generators.
  9. To promote solar water heaters, use of electricity and gas for water heating will be discouraged. In this regard necessary steps will be considered accordingly.

 For successful implementation of renewable energy projects and initiatives lending procedure will be simplified and strengthened.

 The regulatory mechanisms mentioned in the policy are:

  1. Renewable energy project(s), to sale electricity from plants shall be required to get power generation license from BERC if the capacity of the project(s) is 5 MW or more.

 2.    Power Division of MPEMR and SEDA, in consultation with BERC will create a regulatory framework encouraging generation of  electricity from renewable energy sources.

 BERC shall approve the energy tariff in consultation with Power Division of MPEMR/SEDA as per the provision of the BERC Act 2003 if the capacity of renewable energy project(s) is 5 MW or more. Electricity distributors may offer “green energy” tariffs, which provide consumers an opportunity to co-finance through their electricity bills the development of new renewable energy sources.

 Institutional Development

According to Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources, Government Power Utilities like Bangladesh Power Development Board (BPDB), Rural Electrification Board (REB), Local Government Agency like Local Government Engineering Directorate (LGED) and a significant number of Private Sector agencies including NGOs are involved in renewable energy development. Noted Public Universities and their affiliated Institutes are involved in research and development of Renewable Energy Applications.

Establishment of a nodal agency, i.e. Sustainable Energy Development Authority (SEDA) as envisioned in the Renewable Energy Policy is underway. For the interim period and to carry ahead initial formation activities of SEDA, a wing under leadership of an Additional Secretary of the Government has been set up. The wing has distinct units of Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency headed by two Deputy Secretaries of the Government. There is new wing on Sustainable Energy has been set up under Power Cell, the technical unit of Power Division. The wing comprises of one Director and one Deputy Director is extending technical support to the Renewable Energy Wing of Power Division in formulation of relevant program and policy. Establishment of separate directorates among the public utilities can carry forward research and development of Renewable Energy Technologies. With this purview, independent renewable energy directorates have been set up under BPDB and REB. The directorates are functioning at full extent. With the above governmental institutional support it is envisaged that Renewable Energy development Program will gain momentum to reach the expected target.

 Target and Achievements : In line with the Government’s Renewable Energy Policy, govt. has planned to develop at least 500 MW power from renewable energy by 2015.

Table 3: Power Generation target by 2015 and achievement from renewable energy (MW)

Category

Generation 2015

Achievement 2011

Achievement 2012

Solar PV

200

50

62

Wind Energy

200

2

2

Biomass

45

<1

1

Biogas

40

<1

1

Others

15

<1

4

Total

500

55

70

Source: Budget Document 2012-13, Power and Energy Development Roadmap, 2nd Status, Ministry of Finance, Government of Bangladesh, http://www.mof.gov.bd

 The expected public sector and private participated are shown below[14]:

 Expected Public Sector Participation in program is:

 

Total Capacity

Solar

25 MW

Wind

235 MW

Total

260 MW

 Expected Private Sector Participation (through IDCOL) is:

 

Average Unit Capacity

Target

Total Capacity

Solar Home System

50 W

3 million

150 MW

Biogas Plant for cooking gas

2.6 m3

100,000

40 MW

Solar Mini Grid

50 KW

10

1 MW

Solar Irrigation Pump

8 KW

750

6 MW

Biogas based Power Plant

20 KW

300

6 MW

Biomass Based Power Plant

200 KW

15

3 MW

Total

 

 

206 MW

 Recent Initiatives in Renewable Energy[15]:

  • PDB, REB and IDCOL are distributing Solar Home System (SHS) to the people living in the off-grid areas. IDCOL through different NGO has already distributed 1.0 million SHS throughout the country.
  • PDB has already installed nearly 11 KW solar power to the CHT area, nearly 230 W solar power in Angorpot and Dahagram Chitmahal Area and installed 115W at their office building.
  • Solar PV with capacity of 21.2 KW has been installed at the Hon’ble Prime Minister’s office as a demonstration programme.
  • Nearly 10MW solar plant will be installed by PDB in Sarihabari (2-4 MW), Rigional Training Office, Rajshahi (1 MW), Rajabarihat, Godagari (2-4 MW) in IPP model. Preparation of tender documents is underway.
  • Power plant in combination with 1MW solar hybrid system along with 5MW by diesel, will be set up in Hatia island. 5MW Solar PV plant will be installed in Kaptai . Some roads of six City Corporation areas will be replaced by Solar Street lights. Asian Development Bank (ADB) is supporting these projects.
  • REB has taken project for Solar Irrigation System. 40 irrigation pumps will be brought under solar power under this project.
  • PDB has undertaken a project in a remote area Sullah to provide 600kW solar power under Climate mitigation programme.
  • 100 MW of wind power will be generated in the off-shore area of Anwara, Chittagong in IPP model. PQ has already been prepared ,tendering is under process.
  • Govt. has exempted income tax for next 5 years from commercial production from RE.
  • Government has recently initiated 500MW Solar power programme with the inspiration and support of ADB.

 5. REGULATORY MECHANISM IN ENERGY SECTOR

Bangladesh Energy Regulatory Commission: Energy sector is being regulated by the Bangladesh Energy Regulatory Commission (BERC). Energy Regulatory Commission Act 2003 (Act No. 13 of 2003) was passed in the parliament in March 2003 for the establishment of as independent and impartial regulatory commission to regulate Electricity, gas and petroleum sector. In April 2004, Regulatory Commission was established and started functioning. The basic characteristics of the commission are independence, neutrality, and quasi judicial authority.

The objectives of the commission are:

  • To create an environment conducive to private Investment;
  • To promote transparency in management, operation and tariff setting;
  • To promote competition; and
  • To protect consumer’s interest.

 The mandate of the commission includes framing rules and regulation to ensure transparency in the management, operation and tariff determination in Electricity, gas and petroleum sector. The commission will protect consumer and industry interest and promote competitive market. Major functions of BERC are as follows:

  1. To ensure efficient use, quality services, determine tariff and safety enhancement
  2. To issue, cancel, amend and determine conditions of licenses, exemption of licenses
  3. To frame codes and standards for ensuring quality of service
  4. To promote competition amongst the licensees
  5. To develop uniform system of accounts for all licensees
  6. To ensure appropriate remedy for dishonest business practices or monopoly
  7. To ensure control of environmental standard under existing laws
  8. To collect, review, maintain and publish statistics of energy
  9. To perform any incidental functions if considered appropriate by the Commission for the fulfillment of the objectives of this Act

 Regulation Making by BERC[16]

  • BERC Licensing Regulation 2006
  • BERC Electricity Generation Tariff Regulation 2008
  • BERC Gas Transmission Tariff Regulation 2010
  • BERC Gas Distribution Tariff Regulation 2010
  • BERC Electricity Transmission Tariff Regulation 2010 (waiting to be published)
  • BERC Electricity Distribution Tariff Regulation 2010 (waiting to be published)

 6. REFORMS AND RESTRUCTURING IN ENERGY SECTOR: DEVELOPMENT OR DESTRUCTION?

The power sector reform started in late ’70s through the creation of Rural Electrification Board (REB) through the REB ordinance (No.LI 1977) following USAID guidelines on rural cooperatives. The REB is a statutory government organization primarily responsible for implementing countrywide rural electrification. As part of reform programs following activities have been done so far as conditionality of IFIs loan:

Year

Reforms and Restructuring

1977

Creation of Rural Electrification Board

1991

Created DESA

1993

Committee on ‘Power Sector Reform` was constituted, The committee’s recommendation included :

a. Corporatization and commercialization of emerging power sector entities.

b. Establishment of an independent Regulatory Commission

1995

created Power Cell under Ministry of Energy & Mineral Resources to drive power sector reforms and to promote private power development

 

1996

DESCO was established and is now functioning at Mirpur, Gulshan, Baridhara and Uttara area of Dhaka

1996

Adopted National Energy Policy adopted which recommended among others:-

a. Sector unbundling-segregation of power generation, transmission and distribution functions into separate services.

b. Private sector participation in power generation and distribution.

c. Establishment of an Energy Regulatory Commission

1996

“Private Sector Power Generation Policy” developed and adopted, under the policy

i. 1290 MW private power is contracted which is under operation

ii. Another 1140 MW Private Power is under process of implementation

1996

Power Grid Company of Bangladesh Limited (PGCB) has been created . All the transmission assets (100%) including Load Dispatch Center (LDC) have been transferred from BPDB to PGCB

1998

GOB approved “Policy Guideline for Small Power Plant (SPP) in Private Sector”

2000

Vision Statement and Policy Statement on Power Sector Reforms was released

2004

GOB approved conversion of BPDB into a holding company under the Companies Act, 1994

2004

An independent Bangladesh Energy Regulatory Commission (BERC) has been established and has started functioning in January 2004, under Energy Regulatory Commission Act 2003. It will be regulating the Electricity, Gas and Petroleum sector

2004

Power Pricing Framework has been approved by the Government.

Source: South Asia Regional Initiative for Energy (SARI/Energy), http://www.sari-energy.org & Ministry of Power, Energy & Mineral Resources

 The results of these steps have been disastrous for the economy and the people[17].

  1. Price of gas and power is on a continuous increase;
  2. As a result of this, cost of production in every level increased which resulted fall in competitiveness of Bangladeshi goods;
  3. Hard earned currency are being used to purchase gas and electricity which could be bought with local currency at a much cheaper rate;
  4. Dismantling of local production skill and exploration establishment;
  5. Losses of BPDB and Petrobangla becoming huge;
  6. Common property becomes private property being used to maximize profit and
  7. Public resource like natural gas becomes huge liability

 Future Reform Program

To materialize the vision of providing affordable and reliable electricity to all citizens by 2020, a number of steps have been identified in generation, transmission and distribution sub-sector for structural reform and competitive energy market which have been mentioned below[18].

 Generation:

  1. Bangladesh Power Development Board (BPDB) will be converted into a Holding Company under the Companies 1. Act, 1994.

2.         All the BPDB’s existing generating stations will be corporatized & operated under BPDB Holding Company.

  1. New Power Plants will be set up under joint venture, Bank loan, own financing, funds raised from the capital market and foreign direct investment as merchant plant along side IPPs.

4.         Direct foreign investment will be encouraged.

5.         Corporatization of North Zone and South Zone of BPDB distribution is under process

 Transmission: PGCB will carry out the transmission business in the whole of Bangladesh.

 Distribution:

  1. The distribution segment of BPDB and DESA will be corporatized into a number of subsidiary companies under BPDB Holding Company Network business and Commercial function will be separated through contracting out to the private sector.
  2. DESA be converted into corporatized entity.

3.         Private participation will be introduced by off-loading shares.

4.         Additional funds will be raised from the capital market through issuing shares.

  1. Palli Bidyut Samities (PBSs) will mainly continue its business in the distribution areas but at the same time will have their own generation to meet growing demand under Rural Electrification Board (REB).

 Industry & Market Structure:

1.         Power Sector will be fully restructured and commercialized

2.         Market imperfection will be removed

  1. Fully competitive market will be established
  2. Initially Single Buyer Market Structure will be followed.
  3. Multiple Buyers/Sellers and competitive pool market structure will be established

6.         Private sector participation will be dominant

  1. Utilities will be self-sustained

8.         ERC will be fully functional and establish a competitive power market

9.         An Independent System Operator (ISO) will be established for economic/merit order dispatch of electricity

7.     CONCLUSION/REVIEW

There has never been attempt so far to have comprehensive energy policy and related steps that is consistent with national interest and energy security of the people. Privatization and commercialization of energy sources has been on top priority and dismantling of national agencies has been common[19].

 The renewable energy can bridge the gap between demand and supply of electricity. Renewable energy represents 1.5 per cent of the country’s total power consumption at present with 1.3 million solar home systems and 45,000 bio-gas plants[20]. Considering global warming and excessive dependence on non-renewable energy resources, the government wants to increase the use of renewable energy and promote energy efficiency.

 In most of the cases, the solar energy sector is facing problems with sub standard solar panels and battery. There are complains that the battery quality is not up to mark to achieve satisfying performance. Insufficient warranty period of battery & inverter is another problem. Bangladesh is currently importing almost all the solar panels; low cost sub standard panels are inundating the market. Instead of using high quality premium priced solar panels, most of the people are using cheap sub standard brands and facing numerous troubles. In that process they are losing their interest in using solar energy. Moreover, Information regarding use of solar energy is not readily available in the market[21].

 Bangladesh needs to develop local infrastructure and not rely on costly imports to effectively harness solar energy. The government is not ensuring proper installations of solar panels on rooftops. People responsible for monitoring are not doing their jobs properly. As a result, new buildings have mushroomed with low-quality products. In fact, the government does not seem to be duly honest about expansion of renewable energy. There is an organised group that is out to downplay its significance and potential. Renewable energy, which is the future source of energy, has not been given much weight by the government[22].

 In the meantime, country’s parliament has drafted a new law to set up a ‘sustainable and renewable energy development authority’. But surprisingly, the draft law has not given the proposed body enough power to gradually increase the use of renewable energy. The role of the authority has been largely confined to only encouraging the use of renewable energy and assisting the government in this regard. The real power lies in the hands of the government. Such an authority should be independent if the government really wants to increase the share of renewable energy up to 10 per cent in the country’s total energy consumption by 2020[23].

 The government has recently set a target to increase the country’s share of renewable energy to 5.0 per cent by 2015 and 10 per cent by 2020. To implement the plan, Bangladesh needs $3-4 billion for which the country is making approach to donor agencies like the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank and other agencies and international investors. The government has to create an environment so that donor agencies and private investors take interest to mobilise their funds and invest in renewable energy sector.

 Recently, the Power Division has sent a revised and updated country paper on the country’s position about sustainable renewable energy to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in response to a request from the UN Secretary General’s Sustainable Energy for All programme. This programme is a special initiative taken up by the UN Secretary General to promote development of sustainable renewable energy across the world. In the revised and updated paper, power generation from renewable energy in Bangladesh is targeted to be at 800 megawatt (mw) instead of 500 mw by 2015 and 2000mw instead of 1500mw by 2020. The total fund requirement for generation of renewable energy has been set at $2.0 billion. At present, about 77mw power is being generated in the country from solar system, which is the main component of renewable energy.

[1] 6th Five Year Plan FY2011-FY2015, GED, Planning Commission, Government of Bangladesh, 2011

[2] 6th Five Year Plan FY2011-FY2015, GED, Planning Commission, Government of Bangladesh, 2011

[3] CIA World Fact book, 2009

[4] The Daily Financial Express, Promoting renewable energy in Bangladesh, Shahiduzzaman Khan, 14 Oct. 2012, http://www.thefinancialexpress-bd.com/index.php?ref=MjBfMTBfMTRfMTJfMV82XzE0Njc1Mw

[5] Power Development Board, Government of Bangladesh

[6] 6th Five Year Plan FY2011-FY2015, GED, Planning Commission, Government of Bangladesh, 2011

[7] Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources, GoB, http://www.powerdivision.gov.bd/user/brec/5/57

[8] 6th Five Year Plan FY2011-FY2015, GED, Planning Commission, Government of Bangladesh, 2011

[9] Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources, GoB, http://www.powerdivision.gov.bd/user/brec/5/57

[10] South Asia Regional Initiative for Energy (SARI/Energy), http://www.sari-energy.org

[11] Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources, GOB, http://www.powerdivision.gov.bd/user/brec/51/92

[12] Md. Alim Iftekhar Rasel, Saiham Siraj, Kazi Moshiur Rahman, Prospect of Renewable Energy as the Solution of the Existing Energy Crisis of Bangladesh, International Journal of Scientific & Engineering Research, Volume 3, Issue 3, March-2012 1 ISSN 2229-5518 IJSER © 2012 http://www .ijser.org

[13] Md. Alim Iftekhar Rasel, Saiham Siraj, Kazi Moshiur Rahman, Prospect of Renewable Energy as the Solution of the Existing Energy Crisis of Bangladesh, International Journal of Scientific & Engineering Research, Volume 3, Issue 3, March-2012 1 ISSN 2229-5518 IJSER © 2012 http://www .ijser.org

 [14] Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources, GOB, http://www.powerdivision.gov.bd/user/brec/51/92

[15] Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources, GOB, http://www.powerdivision.gov.bd/user/brec/51/92

[16] Salim Mahmud. 2011. BERC, http://www.usea.org/sites/default/files/event-file/519/BERC_Presentation-Washington_July_2011.pdf

 [17] Anu Muhammad. 2011. Development or Destruction? Essays on Global Hegemony Corporate Grabbing and Bangladesh, Shrobon, Dhaka

[18] South Asia Regional Initiative for Energy (SARI/Energy), http://www.sari-energy.org

 [19] Anu Muhammad. 2011. Development or Destruction? Essays on Global Hegemony Corporate Grabbing and Bangladesh, Shrobon, Dhaka

[20] The Daily Financial Express, Promoting renewable energy in Bangladesh, Shahiduzzaman Khan, 14 Oct. 2012, http://www.thefinancialexpress-bd.com/index.php?ref=MjBfMTBfMTRfMTJfMV82XzE0Njc1Mw

[21] Shiblee, N.H., Solar Energy in Urban Bangladesh: An Untapped Potential, ChE Thoughts 2 (1), 8-12, 2011.]

 [22] The Daily Financial Express, Promoting renewable energy in Bangladesh, Shahiduzzaman Khan, 14 Oct. 2012, http://www.thefinancialexpress-bd.com/index.php?ref=MjBfMTBfMTRfMTJfMV82XzE0Njc1Mw

  • [23] Ibid.

Neo-liberalism, food security and agriculture laborers in Bangladesh

Neo-liberalism, food security and agriculture laborers in Bangladesh

Mohammad Shahid Ullah

kn.shahid@gmail.com

+88-01731-802395

 

Food security of agriculture labor   

Food security is broadly defined as access by all people at all times to sufficient food to meet their dietary needs for a healthy and productive life. It depends on availability of food, access to food and utilization of food at national, household and individual level.

 

Food availability at the national level is determined by domestic food production; public and private food stockholding; food imports, including food aid; and food exports. With the liberalization of international trade, global availability of food is of increasing importance for national food security. Availability of food at the household level depends on the household’s own capacity to produce food, household food stockholding, and availability of food in the local markets. These factors, in turn, are a function of market operations, infrastructure, flow of information, and seasonal variations in domestic food production.

From the field information, it has been found that more than half of the year, agriculture laborers purchase food from market; depending on family size and operated land under cultivation. According to statement of sharecropper-cum agriculture labor, in an average, they purchase food from market 5-6 months. The rural wage in agriculture and non-agriculture sector, those who are not involved in cultivation either in sharecropping or in cash lease basis, have to purchase food whole the year; are most vulnerable to price hike of food items. Majority of them are mostly absolute landless and some of them have no homestead land. The price hike of food items since 2008; affected the consumption pattern of poor people, it is like meal rationing and reducing the nutritious item like meat and fish in food item[1].

It has been found that in an average the marginal farmers and agriculture laborers sale 50% of produce within a week after the harvest to pay the loan, irrigation and cost of other inputs; at that time the price remains low in the market. There is intermediary between mill owner and sharecropper; the landless sharecroppers informed that they sell it to local bepary (traders); bepary sells it to mill owners. Generally they don’t sell directly to mill owners as some times the mill owners don’t pay the price immediately after the supplying the paddy.[2]   The Public procurement system does not support the small farmers; the mill owners receiving the price support of public procurement as an intermediary.[3] The agriculture workers organizations demanding to government to procure rice directly from farmers at union level, not from rice mill owners.

There are variations in problem of food security in Rangpur division and rest of the country; in Rangpur region agriculture laborer face seasonal hunger called Manga in Ashwin/Kartic month; though it is reduced in great extent but extreme poverty still high in this region. The workers take loan from informal sources in taka or paddy with high interest rate; it is TK. 100 interest per month against TK. 1000; in case of paddy, the interest rate is higher and it varies from area to area.

Food security and safety net program

To address the problems of poverty and food insecurity, government implementing different food- and cash-based social safety net programs. Currently, there are more than 90 such programs. It is five types, (i) public works program; (ii) Training programs; (iii) Education programs; (iv) Relief programs; and (v) Programs for disadvantaged groups. The characteristics of key safety net programs according to its type are described in the following box.
Budgetary allocation for food security under social safety net programs

The safety net programs for food security are Open Marketing Sale (OMS), Vulnerable Group Development (VGD), Vulnerable Group Feeding (VGF), Test Relief (TR), Gratuity Relief (GR), and food for works program for the rural and urban poor. The allocation for the food security has been declining under social safety net programs. The allocation has been declining from 47.5% to 40.5% for the year of 2012 and 2013 respectively. It is 35.3% in 2014 (Table 4.1).

Table 1: Budgetary allocation for food security under social safety net programs (in crore TK)

Sector 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14
Allowance programs under safety net 7139.74

(50.1%)

7631.41

(43.7%)

8989.02

(45.3%)

Food security programs under safety net 6758.09

(47.5%)

7072.55

(40.5%)

6998.08

(35.3%)

Different fund and programs under safety net 339.64

(2.39%)

2776.02

(15.9%)

3850.36

(19.3%)

Total 14237.47

(100.0%)

17479.98

(100.0%)

19837.46

(100.0%)

Source: Budget Documents, Ministry of Finance, Government of Bangladesh[4]

Problems in safety net programs

The major problems of safety net programs are low coverage in terms of quantity and quality, not well coordinated, not well targeted, corruption and leakages. According to BIH survey 2011-12, it excludes many poor and includes many non-poor households, while 61 percent of the households in the poorest income quintile are beneficiaries of at least one safety net program, 22 percent of the households in the highest income group also receive benefits from the system in rural Bangladesh.

 

The Employment Generation Program for the Poorest (EGPP) targets the poorest most effectively. Both male and female beneficiaries do physical work in the program that mainly involves earth moving. About half (49 percent) of the total EGPP participants belong to the poorest 20 percent of the households. However, around 29 percent of the EGPP participants were in the top three income quintiles in 2011.[5]

 

Public Food Distribution System, Food Security and agriculture labor

Historically, Bangladesh inherited a large program of public food grain distribution that expanded further during the post-independence turmoil and the 1974 famine. The public food grain distribution and most associated regulations were, however gradually reduced during decades following early 1990.

The objectives of the Public Food grain Distribution System (PFDS) are: supply of subsidized /free food grains to vulnerable groups of the population, particularly during the times of economic stress and calamitous conditions, and (b) maintain stability in market prices. Government maintains a stock of food grains through imports from abroad and occasional procurement from domestic market.

Table 2: Public Food Distribution System through Sales and Non-sales Channel

Channel Total Distribution in current year (01 July 13 to 13 Feb. 2014) in Metric Ton % of Total
  Rice Wheat Total  
Sales 191383 201550 392933 30.43
EP 104799 67328 172127 13.332
OP 8165 2061 10226 0.7921
LE 0 9935 9935 0.7695
OMS 71635 121835 193470 14.985
Fair Price 2 0 2 0.0002
4th class employee 6341 18 6359 0.4925
Freedom Fighter 438 373 811 0.0628
Others 3 0 3 0.0002
Non Sale 526696 371451 898147 69.57
FFW 1165 92592 93757 7.2619
TR 192148 140192 332340 25.741
VGF 209307 0 209307 16.212
VGD 51296 107448 158744 12.295
School -feeding 0 10184 10184 0.7888
GR 31574 0 31574 2.4455
Others 41206 21035 62241 4.8208
PFDS Grand Total 718079 573001 1291080 100.0

Source: Ministry of Food, Government of Bangladesh.

 

Table 2 shows that government distributing food under 12 programs in two channels- price or sales channel and non-sales/non-price channel. About 70% of public food grain is distributed through non-sale/non-priced channels under different safety net programs; the remaining 30% is distributed through sale channel. The amount of PFDS through sales channel is decreasing due to reforms programs prescribed by the International Financial Institutes (IFIs); from 1991 to 2006, it decreased 63% to 34%[6]. In 20014, the percentage of sales channel is 30% (Table 2).

International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) organized a food policy research program in Bangladesh which was instrumental in causing a series of reforms in the PFDS. The significant reforms are abolition of rationing system, deregulation of numerous restrictions on domestic trade, induction of a larger role of private sector in the agricultural input markets, and most importantly, the opening up the external trade in food grains to private traders, have resulted in fundamental changes in the operation of food grain market. The onus of stabilization of food grain supply and prices has shifted to the market forces and traders. [7]

Among price channels, open market operation (15%) and subsidized supply to police and defense forces account for the largest share (13%). Among non-priced channels, Test Relief and vulnerable group feeding constitute the largest components, 25% and 16% respectively (Table 2). The target group of PFDS is not poor people under all the programs of sale channel. The non-sale channels are mostly corrupted.

The target group of PFDS is not poor people under sale channels: The target group of PFDS is not poor people under sale channel. After independence, there was a rationing system for the poor; government gradually abolished the system. But the rationing system is in practice for armed forces, police and government employees under essential price (EP) channels; these are clearly not a poverty reducing program. The agriculture workers organizations are demanding Rationing System for the agriculture workers; rice and wheat at the rate of 5 taka/kg, oil, dal at the rate of 30 taka/kg and sugar kerosene at the rate of 15 taka/kg.[8]

Government stopped food support through “Fair Price Card/rationing system” after introduction of 3 months which was targeted 80 lacs poor household in rural and urban areas at 20 kg rice/month for the poor households at rural and urban areas; which was the election commitment of government in previous term. [9]

 

The poor household is supported by OMS and it also helps to stabilize the price of rice; but the rich households also taking advantage of it; it was found that sometimes quality of rice and wheat is not good. [10]

 

The non-sale channels are highly corrupted: The agriculture workers organization demanding revival of the 100 days employment guarantee project introduced by the last caretaker government in 2008 under non sale channel; government made downsize the 100 days employment guarantee project in 40 days under EGPP. The non-sale channels are highly corrupted. The findings of the Campaign for the Right to Food and Social Security[11] a civil society network are mentioned below. These findings compiled from newspaper reports.

 

 

 

 

Table 3: Corruption and leakages in PFDS

Test Relief (TR)

 

  • Distribution among the ruling party members and selling the wheat
  • Selling the wheat
  • False allocation
  • False signature and taking away the allotted rice and wheat
  • Taking forced signature by the political leaders from chief of the allotted institute
  • Allotted against the false institute
Vulnerable Group Feeding (VGF)
  • Distributed card among the 3/ 4 family members of a households
  • Distribution of one member rice to two members
  • Non participatory decision of UP chairman; chairman took decision alone
  • Manipulation by the political leaders
  • Plundering of wheat and selling it in market
  • Distribution among the rich households
  • Distribution of card by the ruling party leaders violating the guideline
  • Distribution of less amount of rice
Vulnerable Group Development (VGD)
  • Distribution of low quality of wheat
  • Distribution of less amount
  • Taking bribe
  • Selling the VGD wheat in open market

Source: Press Brief, 8 May 2012, held at Dhaka Reporters Unity, Campaign for Right to Food & Social Security

For food security of the rural poor; the CSO campaigners have following demands.

  • Setting up central data base for 25% extreme poor and reaching food to them without leakage and corruption;
  • Coordination among safety net program under one umbrella program and the approach should be based on rights not as charity;
  • Elimination of corruption and leakages in safety net programs; there should have participation of agriculture labor in distribution of card and support services;
  • Establishing rationing system for the poor in a view to protecting the poor people from market fluctuation of food items; the proposed rate are: Rice, wheat at 5 Taka/kg, Dal at 30 Taka/kg, Sugar and Kerosene at 15 Taka/kg or liter ;
  • Ensuring profitable price of agriculture products.
  • Reform in the public food procurement system and purchasing directly from farmers;
  • Adequate credit support for sharecroppers with low interest rate;
  • Revival of 100 days employment guarantee schemes for all the agri. labor households;
  • Formation of cooperatives of the producers.

 

[1] Interview with agriculture labor in Domar, Nilphamari

[2] Findings from interview with agri.labor cum sharecroppers at Domar, Nilphamari

[3] M. M. Akash, Budget 2013-14: Perspective of Agriculture Labor and Rural Workers (in Bengali), July 2013, Khetmajour Khabar, Dhaka

[4] Calculated from Seminar Paper on National Budget and Women Empowerment by Samunnay at CIRDAP auditorium, Dhaka on 10 March 2014

[5] Bangladesh Integrated Household Survey 2011-12, IFRI, Dhaka

[6] M. M. Akash, Right to Food and Political Economy of Food (in Bengali), Campaign for Right to Food & Social Security , July 2012, Dhaka

[7] Mohinder S. Mudahar and Raisuddin Ahmed, 2010. Government and Rural Transformation: Role of Public Spending and Policies in Bangladesh, UPL, Dhaka

[8] Interview with the Leaders of Agriculture Laborers Association

[9] Prothom Alo

[10] Press Brief, 8 May 2012, held at Dhaka Reporters Unity, Campaign for Right to Food & Social Security

[11] Press Briefing of Campaign for the Right to Food and Social Security held on 8 May 2012 at Dhaka Reporters Unity

Shahbagh People’s Movement: Reviving the Spirit of 1971 and Challenging the Unjust Structure

Shahbagh People’s Movement: Reviving the Spirit of 1971 and Challenging the Unjust Structure

Mohammad Shahid Ullah

Shahbagh movement is a new concept and milestone in the political history of Bangladesh began on February 4, 2013. It’s a people’s movement organized by the Bangladesh Online Activist Network (BOAN)-a loose and informal network of youth bloggers, demanding capital punishment of war criminals of 1971, ban Bangladesh Jamat-e-Islami-JI (a communal fundamentalist party) for their collaborative role with Pakistan army in 1971, and also to boycott and ban the economic and media establishments of fundamentalist forces in a view to establishing secular democratic Bangladesh based on Muktijuddher Chetona (spirit liberation war of Bangladesh). They organized biggest rallies in Bangladesh for at least two decades. Every day thousands of new faces are joining those present there and packing the area to its full capacity. Shahbagh has now turned into a national symbol of resistance against evil forces of the past.

The movement–centered around Shahbagh, some renamed as Projonmo Chattar (New Generation Roundabout) is a major intersection in Dhaka city near Dhaka University– the center of the national movement in the history of Bangladesh and very close to Aziz Super Market famous for book shops, T-shirt and meeting point of young intellectuals.

What caused Shahbagh movement?
The Muktijuddho (Independence Movement) of 1971 is the great achievement of Bengali nation. The emotions and aspirations of the common people are centered with Muktijuddho. The freedom fighters and the mass people can’t accept deviation, game with the spirit of Muktijuddho. The trial of war criminals who collaborated with Pakistani and killed 3 million Bengali and raped 2 lakh women in 1971. Trial of war criminals was one of the election promises of the present Awami League (AL) government. Accordingly, government formed International Crimes tribunal on March 2010 and the first trial began on July 2011. After the war crime trials started in 2010, nine of top leaders of JI were detained on war crimes.

The opposition party Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) not denied the tribunal but strategically raised questions about its transparency and standard; demanded that tribunal should be international standard and criticizing this trial that it was created with political motivation to save their chief ally JI. On the other hand, JI continued its legal fight and started violent activities in the street; they burned vehicles and carried out sudden attacks on police. They also imposing hartal /bandh (Strike). The violent activities of JI ignited the pro-liberation forces, but they are waiting peacefully for the trial and court verdict. There was continuous violence confrontation between police and Jamat-Shibir (student wing of JI) activist in the last couple of months.

In January 21, 2013 the absconding Abul Kalam Azad alias Bcchu Razakar was given death sentence for six charges related to crimes against humanity and one for genocide, who is reputed to have fled to Pakistan. And the people are waiting for the next verdict, but the 2nd verdict shocked the people sentiment, it was against the Abdul Qader Mollah. The pro-liberation forces waiting to hear the same verdict what was given to Bcchu Razakar . But Mollah was given life imprisonment on 4 Feb. despite having more crime than Bcchu Razakar. It frustrated and ignited the people. People are asking how Bcchu Razakar fled to Pakistan despite having close watch of law enforcing agencies. There is allegation that there happened big economic and political deal between AL and JI. Mollah shown V-sign and smiled when he came out of the Court after being handed out the life sentence. His gesture spoke a million words. It was not possible for the youth activist to control their anger. The day was hartal declared by JI. The young people gathered at Shahbagh under the banner of BOAN. The news spread immediately to Dhaka University Halls and activist of left students organizations joined with them. They started agitation, chanted slogan Qader Mollar Fashi Chai (Let hang Qader Mollah!) and decided to stay night in Shahbagh square. The news and photos of agitation spread with Face-book through out the world. From the early morning of 5 February thousand of people gathered at Shahbagh. It reached its peak on Friday 8 Feb. when 300,000 to 500,000 people gathered at Shahbagh. This was a biggest rally in Bangladesh for at least two decades. The people’s gathering was spontaneous from children to aged people. The 90% of protesters are young aged between 20 to 30 years. The freedom fighters, members of martyr of independence movement 1971, artist, poets, media activist, writers, young intellectuals and political activist joined the movement from all over the country.

This is non-party public space; people are sandwiched with the rotational rule of bi-polar party system. Shahbagh created space for the people to express their own way, not bound to listen the authoritarian leaders in a non-violent space.

Reviving the spirit of Liberation war 1971 is the core issue of the movement
For the last couple of years these young online activists are fighting against fundamentalist and communal forces through blog, face book and tweeter. They have frustration about the history, tradition and future of Bangladesh; they are fighting through online for punishment of war criminals and establishment of non-communal democratic Bangladesh.

It is evident from the repeated slogan from Gana Jagaran Mancha ‘Tui Rzakar, Tui Razakar’ targeting the war criminals and also from ‘Tumi Ke Ami Ke –Bangali, Bangali’ against the communal politics based on Hindu and Muslim. These youth are secular and progressive, imbued with the spirit patriotism, critical, and matured in their position. They are vocal against US imperialism and Indian hegemony and domination, evident in their writings and actions, in the last couple of years. They said repeatedly “We want to purify our past, our history, our society and our state”. They popularized the historic slogan “Joy Bangla”. It was slogan of the country’s independence and the liberation war. But unfortunately, this historic slogan has been made victim of party politics. The AL has been using this slogan as its own property. Protesters have freed the Joy Bangla slogan from narrow politicization.

This movement is distinct in character and different from all the previous movement. These are:

i. Cause of the movement is structural
The demand of the movement is not to change the regime but to challenge the structure. The cause of the movement is related with structure; the protestors denying the existing political structure and leadership and demanding accountability to state, government and court, challenging the existing party leadership and demanding their accountability.

They are challenging not only the one party, but questioning existing political system. they are upholding the spirit and values of liberation war 1971- secularism, democratic just society; resisting fundamentalist forces and challenging the political forces those denying and playing game with the spirit of liberation war.

ii. Youth in the driving seat of the movement and laptop is their weapon
The 90% of the protestors are youth aged between 20-30 years, identifying themselves as new generation freedom fighters grown up since 1990. They are well educated both in Bengali and English medium; unlike the previous generation who were subject to biased propaganda, this generation had more access to information and freedom to share it and to ascertain the facts from the different points of view. This was misunderstood by the old generation as they blame the new generation as computer and face book addicted. Secular Bangladesh is in their heart; they hate fundamentalism and communalism. The weapons of the 1st generation freedom fighters were Rifle, Pistol and Stan-gun. Laptop and modem is the weapon of this new generation freedom fighters. They do constructive criticism, debate among themselves through posting and comments; they are exercising intellectually with creativity.

iii. Non-party platform – political party leaders are denied to speak
Organized protests and movements, common in Bangladesh, are often coordinated and organized by political parties. But the Shahbagh movement was organized by the youth bloggers and have attracted poets, artists, social activists, media activist and people from all the professional groups. The organizers have refused to allow political leaders to take stage and speak in the Gana Jagaran Mancha, leaders can only express solidarity. The top leaders of the ruling party AL were denied to speak and the opposition party leaders (aligned with fundamentalist forces) are confused what to do; expressing contradictory views about Shahbagh Youth Spring. As a catalyst and facilitator, the left parties are supporting the movement.

iv. Decentralized and Participatory Process
There is no central stage or control on how to express resistance. From the Gana Jagaran Manach, organizers of BOAN are leading slogans and declaring notices. In addition, individuals and organizations are performing according to their own plan. Beyond the Gana Jagaran Mancha, individuals, group, organizations singing, shouting, showing posters making different circles. The circles are independent in terms of their identity and protest design, performing or shouting slogans continuously. There are hundreds of institutions, organizations, professional groups, trade union bodies, school and college students performing in different circles according to their own plan and design. This is the unique character of the protest. The movement spread all over the world and all over the country, district and upazila and there is no central coordination and direction.

The Shahbagh movement have no formal leadership structure. There is no central body that dictates daily schedules and programs or gives out policy directions. They informally discuss what requires to be done to bring the message to the people at large. They coordinate their thoughts and ideas among themselves and before the end of the day reach consensus about what should follow tomorrow.

The food and water served to this huge crowd are donations given voluntarily by individuals and organisations. The corrupt business houses, land grabbers also took chances and distributed food and water.

v. Non-violence strategy
The protesters are using creative non-violent strategies. These are:
• Oath taking;
• 3-minute silence to remember the 3 million martyr of 1971, which brought the whole country to a halt;
• Candle lighting which illuminated cities and villages around the country.

vi. Women participation
Another important thing is the prevalence and visibility of women, from the girl child to expectant mothers, from college graduates to professionals, no one seems to be missing out. They frequently take the microphone and leading slogans, the name of Lucky Akhter and Shawon have been reported in the news paper as Agni Konna for her leading role in the movement. They are Shouting slogans, listening to speeches, singing and dancing with slogans.

What is next? What is the roadmap of the movement?
It is too early and risky to assess the movement. The movement achieved its primary objectives. It gave clear message to the ruling party that people will not accept any political game regarding the punishment of war criminals, and also gave moral support to government in order to avoid international pressure against the trial. Government capitalized the movement and started campaign aligned with the Shahbagh movement. Following the movement, the parliament on 17 Feb. brought an amendment to the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) law empowering the war crimes tribunals to try and punish any organizations, including Jamaat-e-Islami, for committing crimes during country’s liberation war of 1971. Undoubtedly this is a significance achievement of the movement. The significant amendment was brought during the passage of the much-talked-about bill which also brought some other changes to International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, 1973 to allow the government and informants and complaints to appeal against any verdict of the war crimes tribunals.

Opposition party, BNP is in crisis, the leaders of BNP providing contradictory and confusing statements about the movement as war criminals are their ally. Strategically they welcomed the movement as huge number of voters are youth, they can’t avoid it. Due to movement, opposition party changed its strategy, have declared program independently without JI, but blaming the government for capitalizing the Shahbagh movement. The fundamentalist force, JI are in pressure, people resisting them and boycotting their media in some areas. The left parties are staying with the protestors and planning how to make bridge with the mass people; it’s a great experience and lesson for the left parties, have to think and plan on how to bridge network with the online activist.

For substantive achievement, the protesters have to strengthen their organizational capacity and have to develop rational and long time strategic planning.

Ruling AL supported this movement as it created breathing space for AL against the ongoing campaign of opposition alliance on different failure issues like price hike, Padma bridge corruption, share market corruption and hallmark corruption. This is final year of government; have to arrange election within this year. Opposition party is doing movement for fair election under caretaker government, government firmly denying this demand. This issue is unsettled. The common people are in fear about the future of democracy in Bangladesh. Government will tolerate the Shahbagh movement at that level when it will not go against their interest. The organizers say it is people’s movement and people will decide about the roadmap. It is not clear what is it’s end. The contesting political forces will take position considering the next election. The shahbagh movement already have shaped the boundary of major political parties to some extent, they can’t avoid the demand of the shahbagh people’s movement.